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目前,我国高校学生资助政策在政府的主导下已形成以"奖、贷、助、补、免"为主的资助体系。财政资金是主要资金来源,但仍存在重复资助、资金来源单一和资助教育不到位等问题。因此,学校应结合自身的具体情况,在目前的政策环境下,细化资助政策、拓宽资金来源、加强学生感恩诚信教育并逐步实现资助信息共享。 相似文献
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在高校扩大招生、收费制度改革的过程中,贫困生问题成为社会关注的焦点,影响到高校稳定、高等教育快速的发展。为了实现教育公平,让更多的学生享受高等教育的机会,国家相继出台了一系列资助政策和措施,基本形成了"奖、贷、助、补、减"的高校学生资助体系。本文就美国、英国、新加坡等国外资助政策与我国现存制度方式的不同之处进行比较,提出完善我国高校学生资助体系的建议。 相似文献
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高校家庭经济困难学生资助工作是促进教育公平的重要举措,党中央、国务院高度重视并建立了我国较为完善的学生资助政策体系,"奖、贷、助、补、减"各项政策和具体措施日臻完善,为较好地解决高校家庭经济困难学生的实际困难提供了良好的政策环境. 相似文献
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2007年5月,国务院出台《关于建立健全普通本科高校高等职业学校和中等职业学校家庭经济困难学生资助政策体系的意见》,标志着我国高校在单一的人民助学金制度的基础上。构建起“奖、贷、助、补、减”五位一体的大学生资助体系。自考生作为高等教育主体和社会弱势群体,却未被纳入资助对象之列,阻碍了教育公平的进程,有碍社会公平的实现。本文首先分析了自考生群体的现状;然后,立足公平,阐明让自考生享受大学生资助政策的必要性;最后,指出要实现公平,自考生也应享受大学生资助政策。 相似文献
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目前,我国高校学生资助政策在政府的主导下已形成以“奖、贷、助、补、免”为主的资助体系。财政资金是主要资金来源,但仍存在重复资助、资金来源单一和资助教育不到位等问题。因此,学校应结合自身的具体情况,在目前的政策环境下,细化资助政策、拓宽资金来源、加强学生感恩诚信教育并逐步实现资助信息共享。 相似文献
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我国高校贫困生资助体系存在的问题及对策研究 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
我国高校已经初步建立了以"奖、贷、助、勤、补、减、免"等为一体的多元化贫困生资助体系,但现有高校贫困生资助体系仍然存在很多问题,如:贫困生资格认定缺乏合理机制、部分资助政策不合理、勤工助学岗位供不应求、对高校贫困生的健康缺乏关注、银行惜贷现象严重、资助主体单一等,针对这些问题,本文提出了改进高校贫困生资助政策、拓宽资助经费来源渠道、加强高校对贫困生在经济、精神上的资助等对策。 相似文献
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《洛阳师范学院学报》2015,(10):126-131
高校家庭经济困难学生是大学生中的一个特殊群体。在我国的高等教育发展过程中,对这一群体的资助政策不断完善,形成了"奖、贷、助、减、补"的资助体系,但这种以无偿资助为主的资助政策体系在实践中表现出不少弊端。逐步转变观念,发展以有偿资助为主的资助模式是科学应对之策,更能彰显资助育人、与爱同在的价值和以人为本的理念,有助于构建和谐资助环境,发展和谐教育。 相似文献
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实证研究结果表明我国大学生资助具有如下主要特征:从整体来看资助力度巳达到一定程度;政府资助最大的特点在于更强调公平,但政府资助力度较小尤其国家贷款的资助力度过小;各种资助的力度均呈下降趋势,同时资助项目缺乏稳定性。为此,有必要增加政府资助的力度并改进资助形式以更有利于教育机会公平的实现。 相似文献
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徐国兴 《Frontiers of Education in China》2008,3(4):585-593
The research findings have made it clear that Chinese college student aid policy has several characteristics. Generally speaking,
student financial aid is increasing up to some extent. The government financial aids focus mostly on improving equality of
educational opportunity in higher education. However, aids from the government are inadequate, especially national student
loans. Besides, all kinds of aids were decreasing from 2004 to 2006 and the aid programs were short of stability between various
years. In order to improve equal access to higher education through student aid policy, it is necessary to enlarge the government
aids and reform the aid system.
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Translated from Jiaoshi Jiaoyu Yanjiu 教师教育研究 (Teacher Education Research), 2008, (2), 59–63 相似文献
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This article is based on research undertaken between 2009 and 2012 into the former Labour government's extremely ambitious ‘Building Schools for the Future’ (BSF) Programme and its withdrawal by the Coalition government. The project, which utilises analysis of policy documents, case studies in six local authorities (LA) and semi‐structured interviews with national and local policy actors, is being funded by Roehampton's Centre for Educational Research in Equalities, Policy and Pedagogy and the British Academy (SG100363). The focus of this article is the implications for social justice of BSF and its subsequent withdrawal. The structure of the article comprises an introduction to BSF and a summary of some of the main issues arising from it. We then move on to explore the social justice dimension of BSF as it is expressed in LA documents and in relation to the social policy aspirations of the former Labour government. In July 2010 the Coalition government discontinued the BSF programme and we track events and policy from that time, particularly focussing on the radical shift away from Labour's transformational and communitarian agenda in favour of criteria based on efficiency and value‐for‐money. We present data from our interviews with local actors on the equality and social justice impacts of this re‐orientation of policy. We conclude by arguing against the view that Labour abandoned social justice suggesting that BSF was one of a number of policies through which equality was pursued, albeit by stealth. 相似文献
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Oscar Espinoza 《Educational research; a review for teachers and all concerned with progress in education》2013,55(4):343-363
Background Over the past four decades there have been a number of controversies arising from the discussion of ‘equity’ and ‘equality’. These concepts are often invoked by policy analysts, policy-makers, government officials and scholars in order to justify or critique resource allocation to different levels of the educational system. Purpose By creating a new equality–equity goal-oriented model, which allows the combination of different dimensions for each concept with different stages of the educational process, this paper aims to achieve two purposes: (1) to clarify among researchers, educators, evaluators, policy analysts, and policy-makers the notions of ‘equality’ and ‘equity’; and (2) to encourage researchers and evaluators to critically examine and synthesize equality/equity-based research. Sources of evidence A review of the literature concerning the meaning, goals and assumptions of the concepts ‘equity’ and ‘equality’, and their implications for social and public policy, is presented. Main argument A survey of recent and earlier debates on ‘equity’ and ‘equality’ among scholars and researchers reveals disagreement and confusion about what those concepts really mean and what they involve in terms of goals and results. It is debatable whether we can have ‘equity’ and ‘equality’ in a society that prioritizes efficiency in resource management over social justice. Certainly, such questions have shaped and guided many discussions and theoretical debates among scholars, policy analysts and policy-makers. Conclusions Most of the definitions of ‘equity’ and ‘equality’ are frequently used by many researchers, evaluators, policy-makers, policy analysts, scholars and educators as if they were interchangeable. Instead of arguing for a unique or simple conception of ‘equity’ and ‘equality’, a set of definitions of those concepts as well as a discussion related to theoretical and policy issues associated are presented. In order to avoid that confusion, the equality–equity model developed in this paper suggests several new directions for analysis and research. It provides some ideas about how ‘equity’ (i.e. ‘equity for equal needs’, ‘equity for equal potential’ and ‘equity for equal achievement’) and ‘equality’ (i.e. ‘equality of opportunity’, ‘equality for all’ and ‘equality on average across social groups’) could be treated and measured in future research in relation to different features of the educational process (availability of resources, access, survival, output and outcome). 相似文献
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丁晨玥 《河北大学成人教育学院学报》2010,12(4):60-62
法国是最早提出＂终身教育＂的国家,并相继制定、颁布了一系列符合本国特点的法律、法规和政策文件。这诸多的法律、法规和政策顺应本国的发展需求,体现了＂以人为本＂的发展宗旨以及重视成人职业教育的特点。在未来发展过程中,法国政府将更加关注社会的融合以及人的全面发展,更加推崇教育的平等性、参与性、全程性、多元化和多样性。其制定的政策和颁布的法规将呈现更加重视教育的全纳性、欧洲各国职业教育和培训的一体化、各类教育和培训与劳动力市场的紧密结合等趋势。 相似文献
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A reconstruction of the gender agenda: the contradictory gender dimensions in New Labour's educational and economic policy 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
This article reviews current interpretations of Labour's education policy in relation to gender. Such interpretations see the marginalisation of gender equality in mainstream educational policy as a result of the discursive shift from egalitarianism to that of performativity. Performativity in the school context is shown to have contradictory elements ranging from an increased feminisation of teaching and the (re)masculinisation of schooling. Also, whilst underachievement is defined as ‘the problem of boys’, the production of hierarchical masculinities and ‘laddishness’ by marketised schools is ignored. The policy shift towards performativity also masks girls' exclusion and the disadvantages working‐class girls face within the education system. The rhetoric of gender equality, although stronger in the field of post‐16 training and employment, is no less contradictory. The effects of New Labour are found in the aggravation of social class divisions within gender categories and the spiralling differences between male and female paths. Gender equality ideals in education are therefore shown to have a far more complex relationship to New Labour politics than previously thought. 相似文献
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滕峰丽 《深圳信息职业技术学院学报》2012,10(2):6-10
公平与效益是制定流动人口子女教育政策的价值基础,在这一政策的制定和完善过程中,中央政府与地方政府、流入地政府与流出地政府、地方政府与学校、城市儿童与外来人口子女等几对二元对立关系的冲突与调和在决策过程中充分反映出来。制定未来教育政策时要根据＂以人为本＂的基本价值取向,把长期目标与短期目标相结合、全局利益与局部利益相结合、公平与效益相结合。 相似文献
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This paper focuses on the education of migrant children in Beijing. As of the late 1990s, the Chinese Government has developed several policies to address educational issues among migrant children. The present study analyses data from interviews with key education personnel in Beijing to explore the outcomes of the implementation of such migrant children’s education (MCE) policies and the reasons for variation from policy design. The data suggest that there is poorer equality in terms of education among migrant vs. local children than the government has reported. Migrant children are faced with numerous strict admission procedures for public schools. The Chinese Government has not prioritised educational equality, despite professing to do so. The capability and motivation of local institutions for policy implementation are less adequate than might be expected. Using Honig’s model of policy implementation, this research shows that the outcomes of the MCE policies are a product of interaction between policy design, participants and implementation context. 相似文献
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刘明 《福建工程学院学报》2008,6(2):112-116
涉及农业、农村和农民的"三农"政策是我国政府协调平衡城乡利益关系的基本工具,在价值指向上应当以平等性和正义性为利益取向.作为政府公共政策的一部分,"三农"政策合法性的社会基础源于农民的政治认同和支持.社会转型期,"三农"政策遭遇合法性危机,根本原因是农民政治参与权利缺失和社会公正原则被忽视.解决矛盾、化解危机的最终路径在于以公正为价值导向,重构农民政治参与这一社会基础. 相似文献
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Jacky Brine 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(1):137-152
This paper provides a critical overview of the development of European education and training policy and its relationship to the discourse of ‘equality’. This development reflects significant shifts within the European Union's discourse of economic growth and peaceful unity‐‐that is, the economic and social concerns of the European Commission. Interwoven into both these discourses is the European discourse of ‘equality’. In the first section of the paper the historic development of the Commission's education and training policy is considered in relation to the discourses of equal opportunities and social exclusion, paying particular attention to the influence of the Action programmes for equal opportunities between women and men. This is followed by a brief section in which the recent interpretation of EC policy by the UK government is examined. In the final section the focus is on the equality discourse itself and the consequences of its application for under‐educated long‐term unemployed people. The paper concludes that although the differences between equal opportunities and social exclusion can appear as radical redefinition, they are nevertheless simply discursive shifts in a fundamentally unchanged equality discourse. Their significance, however, lies in the need for such an apparent shift. 相似文献