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1.
《Government Information Quarterly》2018,35(4):599-612
In the face of the growing digitization of society, a series of transformations are taking place in the public sector that have been described as the second generation of e-government development. The present article traces how these transformations have been anticipated by successive generations of e-government maturity models and critically assesses existing stage models. Based on a survey among 1560 heritage institutions in 11 countries, an empirically validated maturity model for the implementation of open government is presented. The model uses innovation diffusion theory as a theoretical backdrop. While the model is at odds with the unidimensional nature of the Lee & Kwak Open Government Maturity Model (Lee & Kwak, 2012), the findings suggest that the transformative processes predicted by various e-government maturity models are well at work. They result in increasingly integrated services, participative approaches and an emerging collaborative culture, accompanied by a break-up of proprietary data silos and their replacement by a commonly shared data infrastructure, allowing data to be freely shared, inter-linked and re-used. In order to put our findings into perspective, we take stock of earlier discussions and criticisms of e-government maturity models and offer a new take on the issue of stages-of-growth models in the field of e-government. The proposed approach rests on the assumption of an evolutionary model that is empirically grounded and allows for varying development paths. 相似文献
2.
Requesting Internet platform providers to remove content is one of the common approaches for government worldwide to regulate online incivility. This study investigates the driving forces behind the variation in the number of uncivil content removal requests across countries. By connecting data from the 2017 Google transparency report to a host of societal level indicators, this study finds that the quantity of uncivil content removal requests is related to both social reality and political value factors. Countries with high levels of social vulnerability and low levels of freedom of speech tend to send more requests to Google for removing online incivility. However, democratic and non-democratic societies show different patterns: social reality and political values play important roles in democratic societies while in non-democratic societies, social reality is the only determining factor. 相似文献
3.
《Government Information Quarterly》2014,31(4):637-652
This paper explores how information is shared across the vertical and horizontal boundaries of government agencies. Different types of information sharing are identified and discussed in terms of their strengths and encountered challenges. Centralized types of information sharing are found as a primary strategy adopted to facilitate interagency information sharing in the two dimensions. Particularly, influential determinants from type comparisons and government agencies are identified and discussed regarding what agencies may take into considerations when selecting certain types of information sharing. While there is no single type of information sharing that can satisfy all the needs and concerns of government agencies, most agencies still simultaneously employ several types of information sharing in different circumstances. A competition-and-cooperation relationship exists among the different types of information sharing in both dimensions. The paper suggests that a balance between centralized and decentralized types of information sharing should be achieved to obtain advantages and diminish disadvantages. The similarities and differences between the types in the two dimensions are also compared and discussed. Lastly, the conclusion outlines the contribution and limitation of the current research and suggests future studies of the current work. 相似文献
4.
《Government Information Quarterly》2020,37(3):101480
In election times, political parties promise in their manifestos to pass reforms increasing access to government information to root out corruption and improve public service delivery. Scholars have already offered several fascinating explanations of why governments adopt transparency policies that constrain their choices. However, knowledge of their impacts is limited. Does greater access to information deliver on its promises as an anti-corruption policy? While some research has already addressed this question in relation to freedom of information laws, the emergence of new digital technologies enabled new policies, such as open government data. Its effects on corruption remain empirically underexplored due to its novelty and a lack of measurements. In this article, I provide the first empirical study of the relationship between open government data, relative to FOI laws, and corruption. I propose a theoretical framework, which specifies conditions necessary for FOI laws and open government data to affect corruption levels, and I test it on a novel cross-country dataset. The results suggest that the effects of open government data on corruption are conditional upon the quality of media and internet freedom. Moreover, other factors, such as free and fair elections, independent and accountable judiciary, or economic development, are far more critical for tackling corruption than increasing access to information. These findings are important for policies. In particular, digital transparency reforms will not yield results in the anti-corruption fight unless robust provisions safeguarding media and internet freedom complement them. 相似文献
5.
《Journal of Informetrics》2014,8(1):284-294
In this paper, we show that an information source composed with n random variables may be split into 2n or 2n − 1 “states”; therefore, one could compute the maximum entropy of the source. We derive the efficiency and the unused capacity of an information source. We demonstrate that in more than two dimensions, the transmission's variability depends on the system configuration; thus, we determine the upper and the lower bounds to the mutual information and propose the transmission power as an indicator of the Triple Helix of university–industry–government relationships. The transmission power is defined as the fraction of the total ‘configurational information’ produced in a system; it appears like the efficiency of the transmission and may be interpreted as the strength of the variables dependency, the strength of the synergy between the system's variable or the strength of information flow within the system. 相似文献
6.
《Journal of Government Information》1995,22(3):237-252
The internal effects of the Nicaraguan revolutionary reconstruction, 1979–1989, are compared and contrasted with the portrayal of these effects in a sampling U.S. government documents. Special attention is given to U.S. Department of State documents aimed at influencing public opinion. That the revolution had some clearly positive effects on Nicaraguan society is concluded, but weaknesses and contradictions in the ideology and the programs of the revolution are exposed. It is suggested that much contemporaneous U.S. government information on the topic served a propagandizing function. 相似文献
7.
《Government Information Quarterly》1995,12(2):213-223
The article argues that the Federal government needs to develop special government-wide policies, similar to OMB Circular No. A-130, which would be applicable to scientific and technical information (STI). After exploring the relation between government information and government STI, the author points out that Federal statistics has its own special set of policies known as Statistical Policy Directives. STI's situation is different from other government information because it is carried out in the culture of science and academia, in the culture of classified information and export controls, and in the international arena. A policy circular for STI would touch on Federal research and development, technology transfer, classified and export control information, international considerations, interagency sharing, and several existing areas of policy. The Office of Management and Budget, the Office of Science and Technology Policy, or the National Science and Technology Council could issue the policy. 相似文献
8.
Panagiotis Panagiotopoulos Alinaghi Ziaee Bigdeli Steven Sams 《Government Information Quarterly》2014
How social media can enable opportunities for collaboration between citizens and governments is an evolving issue in theory and practice. This paper examines the dynamic aspects of collaboration in the context of the 2011 riots in England. In August 2011, parts of London and other cities in England suffered from extensive disorder and even loss of human lives. Based on a dataset of 1746 posts by 81 local government Twitter accounts during or shortly after the riots, we explore how local authorities attempted to reduce the effects of the riots and support community recovery. Using Twitter's conversational and rapid update features, they produced a variety of informational and actionable messages with clear calls for offline or online action. In some cases, collective against the riots evolved in a mutual way: not only citizens were mobilized by local authorities, but also local authorities actively promoted actions initiated by citizens. 相似文献
9.
Marwan Elnaghi Sarmad N. Alshawi Muhammad Mustafa Kamal Vishanth Weerakkody Zahir Irani 《Government Information Quarterly》2019,36(2):196-207
E-Government adoption and implementation has gained noticeable momentum across many developed and developing economies. Nevertheless, transitioning from the “electronic” to the stage of “transformational” domain – coined as t-Government – is posing the greatest challenge of how government services respond to changes in the broader economy and society. Despite considerable investments and the wide use of Information and Communications Technology (ICT), research literature on e-Government suggests that government services have yet to reach the full potential of seamless integration, where all transactions are completed electronically. Through a detailed analysis of the extant e-Government literature and a case study based empirical research, this paper explores the domain of e-Government in identifying the possible reasons for this potential shortfall in achieving full integration. Furthermore, the paper intends to highlight an aspect of complexity surrounding crossing the integration gap as the authors denote by “eChasm” in the e-Government conceptual model that leads to transformation. In addition, it focuses on radical change through Business Process Re-engineering (BPR) and the call for strategic style of leadership, for cross-agency collaboration leading to a successful realisation of transformational government (t-Government). It is interesting to note that researchers and public sector leaders have started to realise that implementing and managing the transformation of public services, copiously satisfying the users and stakeholders, is a task of multi-dimensional complexity. 相似文献
10.
Domestic violence against women is a significant social and public health problem that requires a varied social service response for abused women and their children. Increasingly, this service response includes online sources and resources. Using content analysis methods, we examined the Canadian provincial E-Government response to providing information to women exposed to domestic violence. Our overarching question was “if an abused woman went to her province’s government website for information and help and used common search strategies, what would she find?” 相似文献
11.
During the e-government era the role of technology in the transformation of public sector organisations has significantly increased, whereby the relationship between ICT and organisational change in the public sector has become the subject of increasingly intensive research over the last decade. However, an overview of the literature to date indicates that the impacts of e-government on the organisational transformation of administrative structures and processes are still relatively poorly understood and vaguely defined. 相似文献
12.
Government webportals are central to governments' web strategy. They are designed to be nodal hubs, or gateways, for encountering government, and as such position government in the online world. Yet the designs of government webportals, particularly their location within wider web ecologies are scarcely studied. In additional to these web ecologies, this paper conceptualises webportals as being located within wider information and institutional ecologies. Methodologically, it comparatively examines the hyperlink structures of the national government webportals of the top ten e-government countries: Australia; Canada; Finland; France; Japan; Netherlands; New Zealand; Singapore; UK; and USA. Different ways governments approach this task are analyzed using webcrawls of the webportals and their neighboring webpages. Variations are considered in relation to the constitutional structures of the countries (i.e. unitary vs federated; centralized vs decentralized).This research highlights information referral versus information repository webportal designs, the latter of which appears to arise more in unitary and city states, than federal states. The hyperlink networks also demonstrate the important structural role of commercial social media websites in half of the countries, revealing a new interactive webportal design. Despite being constructed as whole-of-government entryways, national government webportals typically fail to connect to regional and local tiers of government. The paper provides the basis for assessing the effectiveness of different portal designs and investigating how portal designs arise out of varied government institutional settings. 相似文献
13.
《Government Information Quarterly》2019,36(2):252-263
Government departments have limited resources but they are responsible for the healthy functioning of whole markets. This tension is amplified by the opportunities to generate, share and use information from new data sources and digital technologies. Huge increases in volumes and types of data produced by sensors and firms' IT systems can potentially be shared between firms which can cause information overload. This paper uses government orchestration theory to investigate the problems and opportunities of the UK's maritime transport ministry as it supports resilience planning for the whole country's ports system. We build on the developing Lean Government (l- Government) literature by theorizing on the differences between government and other stakeholders. We use a case study to investigate how these differences hinder as well as support the role of a government department. And how the special perspective of an orchestrator can integrate and filter information, motivate diverse collaborators and support the use of orchestration platforms in l-Government. 相似文献
14.
Scholars and practitioners argue that the most important interactions between citizens and government happen at the local level. These relationships could become closer and more frequent with the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs). In fact, portals could be seen not only as channels for providing government information and services, but also as powerful tools to exchange information and knowledge between different social actors and government entities and to enable participation in collective decision-making efforts about important public affairs. For instance, social media and other Web 2.0 tools could provide new electronic channels for these interactions through their inclusion in local government portals. This paper argues that although important modifications to the organizational and institutional frameworks would be necessary, the potential for local electronic governance through networks of government and non-government actors via internet portals is clearly present. However, a very important first step would be the inclusion of more interaction, participation, and collaboration mechanisms in government portals. Similar to previous efforts with data from the U.S., this paper describes the results of a recent assessment of local government portals in Mexico. The conclusion is that progress toward citizen engagement is slow in local governments and there are very few efforts to increase interaction, participation, and collaboration channels on their portals. Most of them are still following the vision of information and services providers and a local electronic governance model is still in its very initial stages. It seems that e-government in municipalities is still more rhetoric and less reality, at least in some countries. 相似文献
15.
16.
L. A. Mosunova 《Scientific and Technical Information Processing》2017,44(3):175-183
This paper sets the problem of development of information culture and advances the hypothesis about understanding of the meaning of information as its basis. Five ideas related to the problems of the paper are distinguished in the theory of understanding. The paper describes the concept of adequate and inadequate understanding the meaning of information and develops the criteria of understanding the meaning of information. The concept of the “understanding of the meaning of information” is defined. 相似文献
17.
《Government Information Quarterly》2018,35(1):109-122
Despite the expectation that social media use in the public sector contributes to enhancing government responsiveness to citizens, few empirical studies exist on whether social media use actually leads to more responsive public administration in practice and how social media are used by governments to build citizen-centric governance. The purpose of this study is to examine what roles are played by mayors and public officials in social media networks to increase government responsiveness. Thus, we adopt social network analysis (SNA) to the Twitter network of public services as well as carry out a case study on interactions among the mayor, local government, and citizens via Twitter in Seoul, Korea. The research findings show that the mayor of Seoul plays the most important role as a bridging hub in the Twitter network. Specifically, the mayor serves as a bridge between different clusters of citizens and public officials as well as a hub for the most connected users in the network. The mayor's role as a bridging hub in the Twitter network contributes to enhancing government responsiveness by making possible to overcome the disconnection between citizens and the local government, and information asymmetry among the mayor, public officials, and citizens. 相似文献
18.
Responding to the rapid adoption of new technologies, political parties, both incumbent parties and minor ones, have been quick to leverage web 2.0 technologies for party communication and mobilization. A coterie of work addressed how social media such as Facebook are used as political tools for the promotion of candidate and party campaign platforms. However, a present bias is observed as current literature focus on western democracies. To bridge the gap, this study examines the gradual, yet significant, evolution in technology deployment by the ruling elite in Singapore. This paper traces the developments in e-engagement to bridge the affective gap between the ruling elite and an increasingly IT-savvy population, one which has demonstrated its astuteness in using new media to articulate its disenchantment. Developments in the last five years indicate that the government's earlier endeavor to centralize and streamline its political engagement via a single portal, REACH, is insufficient to say the least. Between the general election in 2006 and the watershed election in May 2011, the repertoire of media tools deployed by the political elite has broadened, with the inclusion of personal blogs, Facebook, and Twitter. In this paper, we apply Kent and Taylor's public relations dialogic communication framework to examine how Facebook fosters greater mutuality, propinquity, and empathy between the government and the electorate. However, problems arising from new technologies themselves inadvertently create risks and challenge the government's ability to commit to dialogic communication. 相似文献
19.
Since most activists participating in the recent uprisings in Arab countries have been using social media to an unprecedented extent, public analyst and researchers have rushed to reflect on and explain the phenomena, often attributing a ‘change agency’ to social media as such. This argumentative research collects evidence from literature, recent surveys and focus groups in order to contextualize our understanding of the role of social media and its usage in reshaping the Arab government–citizen relationship: Are the traits of social media significant enough to single them out and discuss their specific impact on the government–citizen relationship? Are we well advised to attribute an ‘agency’ of social media in shaping politics and inducing political change? And in view of the actual use of social media: What are the options of containing emerging ‘destructive’ phenomena and ‘improving’ the government–citizen relationship? Answers are outlined to support contextualized design of social media technology and regulation: (1) Arab citizens basically support democratic concepts; however (2) social media as such do not act and therefore do not ‘create’ e.g. democracy; rather (3) social media enable a new political sphere for Arab citizens, nevertheless challenged by realpolitik; and (4) social media need care taking in terms of shaping political communication and shaping the media itself in order to serve well as mediator among citizens and between citizens and government. 相似文献