共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Keita Takayama 《Globalisation, Societies & Education》2008,6(2):131-146
This article first examines the controversial revision of the Fundamental Law of Education (FLE) by situating it in the larger global context of neo‐liberal and neo‐conservative state‐restructuring and education reform. It then focuses on the domestic politics behind what seems to be the global convergence of education policy along neo‐liberal and neo‐conservative lines. Focusing on the political agency of the Ministry of Education (MOE) and tracing its shifting political interests in regards to the FLE amendment, the article illuminates the MOE’s strategic move to “become the Right” to secure its political legitimacy in the relentless neo‐liberal pressures for fiscal and administrative decentralisation. 相似文献
2.
Terri Seddon Stephen Billett Allie Clemans 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》2005,26(5):567-584
This paper considers the way social partnerships tend to be represented as either horizontal localised networks or neo‐liberal policy instruments. Building on two empirical studies of partnerships, we argue that partnerships cannot be understood in either/or ways but are negotiated at the interface between central agencies and local networks. They are mediated by networks operating through the partnership and through government and community, and by the different organisational logics of agencies. These complexities challenge our ways of analysing and representing partnerships, and justify further research. 相似文献
3.
Marnina Gonick 《Gender and education》2007,19(4):433-454
This paper revisits the question of ‘voice’ in the context of neo‐liberal social and educational reform. ‘Voice’ has been one of the key concepts of feminist and critical pedagogies in the theory and practice of producing social transformation. I argue in this paper, that the political effectiveness of this concept needs to be reconsidered at a time when the incitement to speak is one of the means by which neo‐liberal subjectivities are produced and regulated. I trace the ways the metaphor Girl Number Twenty circulates in the feminist pedagogy literature, with the purpose of engaging in a dialogue about the particular challenges girl number twenty encounters in the context of the new hard times wrought by neo‐liberalism and the shifting tensions between media, ideology and feminist teachers. The paper draws on ethnographic material from a school‐community project that took place in Toronto, Canada with girls' aged 10–14 from diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds (Vietnamese, Cambodian, Portuguese, Afro‐Caribbean and Chinese). 相似文献
4.
Cath Lambert 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》2007,28(2):149-163
Transformational leadership is widely recognised as being central to the implementation of educational reform. In this paper I draw on selected educational speeches made by New Labour politicians in order to locate shifting discourses of leadership within the broader accountability framework through which the terms of the relationship between central government and head teachers have been re/configured in the United Kingdom. The gendered politics of transformation are examined, highlighting new and renewed forms of masculinity embedded within new leadership ideals. It is suggested that a gendered critique of transformational leadership offers an important contribution to critical analyses of the neo‐liberal and managerialist educational project. 相似文献
5.
Teachers in the English and Welsh State education system have experienced a changing and turbulent relationship with the State in recent decades. This article adopts a historical analysis and argues that the concept of ‘partnership’ is key to understanding the relationship between teachers and the State in the period since the Second World War. Initially a partnership based on a commitment to welfarist values, professional autonomy and collective bargaining; this has been systematically dismantled and reconstructed as a ‘social partnership’ based on teacher union involvement in workforce reform coupled with a significantly more managerialist conception of professional accountability. Re‐engineering the terms of its partnership with teachers has been central to the State’s restructuring of public education along neo‐liberal lines. 相似文献
6.
This paper discusses the formation, character and contradictions of social partnerships. We report on a specific initiative,
the Local Learning and Employment Networks (LLEN) established by the Victorian Government in Australia in 2001, documenting
the nature of this initiative and how it is playing out. We draw attention to some of the tensions that exist between different
agencies, including different agencies within government. Through this detailed case study it is possible to identify parallels
between LLEN and other social partnership initiatives developing in other parts of the world. This process of situating a
specific Australian partnership within the wider trend to social partnerships permits a more contextualised analysis. It shows
the way social partnerships are developing as a consequence of education reform shaped by neo-liberal governance and various
patterns of compliance and resistance to this political rationality. 相似文献
7.
Hugh Lauder 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》1991,12(4):417-431
This paper provides a critique of neo‐liberal political economy of education. It is argued that neo‐liberal ideology trades off democracy against ‘economic efficiency’. However, the consequence of the application of neo‐liberal principles to education is that overall standards of education are likely to decline, thereby creating the conditions for a low skilled, low morale workforce. It is suggested that this outcome is consistent with the Neo‐liberal creation of a low wage low technology economy. On the basis of the critique, an alternative education system concerned with meeting the aims of an education for a democratic, economically sophisticated, society is sketched. 相似文献
8.
John Smyth 《Asia-Pacific Journal of Teacher Education》2006,34(3):301-319
This paper argues that we are currently experiencing a debilitating overload of political interference and media hyperbole in respect of teaching and teacher education, and that much of this blitzkrieg amounts to a ‘political spectacle’ and blatant neo‐liberal ideology dressed up as rational analysis. The politics of disparagement being unleashed on public education, and by association teacher education, is intended to laminate over the real issue, which is a cultural war over what is officially allowed to constitute teaching and learning. 相似文献
9.
Within an Australian context of diminishing opportunities for equitable educational outcomes, this paper calls for teacher engagement in a ‘politics of resistance’ through their focused gaze in relation to the ways in which they are positioned in their everyday practice. Our belief is that the resultant knowledge might equip teachers to see more clearly the managerial and economic rationalist discourses that constrain them in their pursuit of more equitable educational outcomes. Through the interpretative lenses of feminist poststructural theory, the paper presents snapshots of the practice of three Australian teachers. These snapshots, along with an analysis of them, highlight pedagogy as a political activity that is partial, interested and potentially oppressive. It is not argued that reflection alone will challenge inequities in educational outcomes for the diverse range of students, but that teacher interrogation of practice might better position teachers to exert their voices and take action in the challenging and complex times associated with neo‐liberal reforms. The politics of resistance argued for here proposes an awareness and action beyond the micro‐politics of the classroom to alliances that work towards transformation of inequities within economic and social power relations. 相似文献
10.
Joyce E. Canaan 《International journal of qualitative studies in education》2013,26(6):749-767
This article describes the discourses working‐class students at a university in Britain have about learning. The discourses include ideas about who is a good student, education as an investment, and marking. Students incorporate, in part, both neo‐liberal and neo‐conservative economic and political views into their perceptions of who should succeed or fail in higher education, but these notions sit contradictorily alongside their more social democratic principles of social justice. 相似文献
11.
This paper details the impact of New Labour's neo‐liberal social and educational policies on disadvantaged groups in the district of Thanet. It notes that the post‐welfare policy responses to social and educational problems reinforce both the disadvantages of deprived groups and the gradient of popularity among secondary schools within the district. It further argues that the nature of individual consumer choice inherent in the concept of neo‐liberal negative freedom systematically discriminates against deprived groups by overriding wider concepts of equity and social justice. The paper concludes that a fair system of social justice, which recognizes the need for personal liberty, requires properly resourced and justly functioning public services that are equitably and inclusively available to all. 相似文献
12.
This paper examines the discourses and modes of representation embodied in educational historiography from the 1970s to the present and their implications for intellectual identity construction in SA. The paper shows how the theoretical foundations of the liberal and Afrikaner nationalist discourses, which vacillated between race and ethnicity, shifted to social class and gender in radical and neo‐Marxist discursive formations of the 1980s. It highlights how the decline of radical scholarship has resulted in a synthesis of constructivist and postmodernist discourses that privilege nation‐building, identity and cultural diversity after apartheid within a predominantly neo‐liberal paradigm. It argues that the transition to post‐apartheid education came to be thought about within a horizon of possibilities different from the rigid paradigmatic tradition of the short‐lived neo‐Marxist school of the 1970s and 1980s. 相似文献
13.
Shu‐Ching Lee 《Gender and education》2011,23(1):47-58
The dramatic changes during the past 20 years in Taiwan offer a good example of how gender policy in education is facilitated by a combination of interrelated economic, political and social forces. Taiwan’s policy on gender education emerged from the interaction of state, education, academic and non‐academic feminist positions in reforms. This paper demonstrates – first, the importance of the socio‐political contexts in which reform was proposed, and second, the actions of feminists in making best use of the opportunities thrown up by a confluence of social factors. The social, economic and political transformations of the 1980s saw the rise of a ‘new’ state both supposedly and in reality more responsive to the needs of non‐profit organisations. In testing out relationships of partnership with the state, feminist activists saw the deregulation of education as an opportunity to get women’s issues on the agenda. These reforms were catalysed by a series of social events bringing together supporters in a mood of celebration, protest or mourning specifically in response to particular events. The struggles, contentions, and negotiations that underlay the eventual approval of gender reform in education are illustrated. 相似文献
14.
Una O'Connor 《欧洲特需教育杂志》2013,28(3):253-268
The relationship between a parent and their child who has SEN is one that, by necessity, is shared with a larger than usual group of professionals. It is perhaps inevitable, then, that this relationship has been an occasionally precarious one, with a potential for conflict due to differing perspectives and priorities. Although the ideal of partnership between parent and professional was originally defined in the Warnock Report in 1978 as a preference for equality, the constitution of partnership has continued to be viewed with a degree of caution. The contribution of parents in the education of their child has been a long‐standing yet somewhat relegated feature of policy reform, where limited investigation of parents’ views has perpetuated the consensus that multiple perspectives are rarely obtained. This paper explores the premise of partnership in Northern Ireland, with reference to parents’ relationships with the cross‐section of professionals who constitute an inevitable by‐product of having a child with SEN. Specifically, it will refer to their perceived status as partners within procedural infrastructures, and identification of those factors that have challenged the premise of partnership. The paper will present some findings from a phenomenological study involving 20 parents. This represented the third and final stage of a large scale research study involving quantitative and qualitative data collection. In Northern Ireland, the dual prerogatives of special education and inclusion have acquired commensurate currency as part of an ongoing process of social reform and education rationalisation. This meant that much of the research was undertaken against a backdrop of emerging educational policy and legislation for SEN, disability and inclusion. It is a timely opportunity, then, to review existing challenges and to consider possible alternatives for future partnerships 相似文献
15.
This paper uses one national case to illustrate how diverse ideological agendas of central state agencies contest the discursive space within which major education policy reforms are developed. In Aotearoa New Zealand in 1988, ‘self‐managed’ schools were promoted ostensibly to allow parents more say in their children’s education and local school administration. The Tomorrow’s Schools reform policy texts included an existing social democratic partnership rhetoric, positioning principals as professional leaders working collaboratively with elected parent boards of trustees. However, the new ideology of ‘parental choice’ of school within a local schooling marketplace, underpinned by a chief executive or market managerial model of principalship, was later operationalised through mechanisms of ‘steerage’ from the centre. To explain this shift, we examine selected policy text pre‐cursors to the reforms and identify how contrasting forms of ‘principal’ and ‘teacher’ identity emerged within social democratic, neo‐liberal and market managerial ideologies. We further show that while radical (Treasury) market liberal arguments for labour market deregulation and consumer choice failed to gain widespread support, the State Services Commission preferred market managerialist strategies for promoting public accountability of schools (based on aggregate student achievement outcome data and centrally determined national educational priorities) were successfully embedded during the 1990s. 相似文献
16.
Emiliano Grimaldi 《Journal of educational administration and history》2010,42(1):75-95
This article aims to present some tensions embedded in the Italian educational reform, arising both from the enactment of neo‐liberal policies and the possibilities of democratic development opened up by the introduction of schools’ site‐based management and decentralisation. The article uses discourses as heuristic devices and presents two case studies regarding the enactment of policies of educational governance promoted in 2003 by a local authority (the Italian Provincia) and inspired by the democratic discourse. These policies were intended to promote the participation and collaboration of schools and heads in educational planning. It illustrates how the neo‐liberal discourse re‐shaped the Italian educational system and challenged welfarism. At the same time, we also attempt to illustrate the action of cultural path dependencies and the space emerging for a democratic discourse, which could be interpreted both as an alternative to its neo‐liberal counterpart and as an attempt to re‐discover democratic participation and promote more equity‐oriented practices in the educational field. Two different understandings of educational governance and headship seem to emerge. The study underlines how the intertwining of national and local policies inspired by contradicting discourses could result in the spread of competitive practices and consequently in a further differentiation of the educational provision and stratification between schools, or have an egalitarian outcome, where processes of collaboration, collective empowerment and reflexivity are enacted. Our work demonstrates how democratic and collaborative spaces opened up by site‐based management and policies of educational governance implemented at a local level are always at risk, due both to the rise of competitive pressures and the resilience of welfarist discourses and practice. 相似文献
17.
18.
Denis Gleeson Jenifer Davies Eunice Wheeler 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》2005,26(4):445-460
This paper examines the changing nature of professional practice in English further education. At a time when neo‐liberal reform has significantly impacted on this under‐researched and over‐market‐tested sector, little is known about who its practitioners are and how they construct meaning in their work. Sociological interest in the field has tended to focus on further education practitioners as either the subjects of market and managerial reform or as creative agents operating within the contradictions of audit and inspection cultures. In challenging such dualism, which is reflective of wider sociological thinking, the paper examines the ways in which agency and structure combine to produce a more transformative conception of the further education professional. The approach contrasts with a prevailing policy discourse that seeks to re‐professionalise and modernise further education practice without interrogating either the terms of its professionalism or the neo‐liberal practices in which it resides. 相似文献
19.
李在全 《湖南师范大学教育科学学报》2006,5(2):45-48
抗战时期平教会在湖南开展了创办衡山实验县、乡村师范学校、农民抗战教育和训练地方行政干部等一系列乡村建设活动，乡村建设运动在促进当地的社会经济文化的发展和政治的改良的同时，也使平教会操持的超然于政治之外的独立理念与抗战中逐渐被纳入国民党政治运作轨道中的实践产生了某种紧张，这使平教会的乡村建设陷入两难的境地。 相似文献
20.
Peter Rawlins Sally Hansen Lone Jorgensen 《Journal of educational administration and history》2011,43(2):165-179
Managers and personnel within tertiary institutions colonised by neo‐liberal ministrations and buffeted by the winds of a ‘change culture’ formed within the philosophical shifts of the last century can be considered in terms of ‘immigrants’ or ‘refugees’ within this new territory. The case story of this article is set in a college of education newly situated within a traditional university culture. Superimposed on that scenario is an ontology shift from academia to a neo‐liberal business model. The article considers how people, enculturated with an already established socio‐cultural paradigm where research, collegiality, democracy and the concept of academic freedom predominate, are challenged to reform their epistemologies to fit the definition of the new culture. The article is a theory‐based, qualitative report of a case study using anthropological parameters and terminology of cultures and culture change to map the impact of the change process on the epistemologies of people involved in claiming the post‐colonial space. 相似文献