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1.
Forty years afterBrown v. Topeka Board of Education, the U.S. Supreme Court's decision declaring de jure segregated schools unconstitutional, we are still seeking the full implementation of that decree. Most Americans accepted limited implementation ofBrown, and the degree of acceptance is split along racial lines. Racial dialogue has changed. White Americans, who control the desegregation process, develop integration plans to their advantage. School integration was not implemented until after passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and peaked in 1972. Today, school integration is declining due to a backlash, changing demographics, and declining resources. However,Brown was a success because it rid the country of legalized state segregation by race in education and in other areas of public policy. The Court could merge the equality standards ofPlessy v. Ferguson and the integration standards ofBrown to give us quality integrated education.  相似文献   

2.
Numerous authors identify a white supremacist ideology that shapes the educational opportunities for racially diverse students. We contend that this ideology informs educational policy and hampers the likelihood that racially diverse populations can achieve success at levels similar to students of European descent. In this paper we define the white supremacist ideology as it informs education policy and practices. Three examples from the United States are then used to illustrate the influence of such an ideology. These examples include the creation and protection of racially segregated schooling; desegregation policies; and the current uses of school report cards. We conclude with the relevance of this discussion to educational debates in Great Britain and South Africa, and recommendations to minimise the influence of this ideology on education policy and school reform efforts.  相似文献   

3.
In this paper, I examine the use of litigation as a strategic tool of resistance for thwarting school desegregation. Utilizing Cowan v. Bolivar County Board of Education as a case study, I argue that, despite losing the constitutional right to racially segregate public schools according to an explicit white supremacist doctrine, whites in Bolivar County, Mississippi, were successful in stemming the impending tide of social change associated with school desegregation through litigation. Litigious resistance not only provided southern whites with a racially moderate epistemology for undermining school desegregation regionally, but their legal challenges to school desegregation also laid the groundwork for non-southern white animus toward all federal education policies that promoted racial inclusion.  相似文献   

4.
ABSTRACT

School choice policies and the movement to privatize education have become the currently preferred school reform methods on both the state and federal levels under the guise they will provide equal educational opportunities and access for all students. The 1954 school desegregation decision in Brown v. Board of Education arguably paved the way for equal educational opportunities, including school choice; however, we contend that the present-day school choice and privatization movements may be a part of a larger social, political, and legal cycle of inequality that has established residence in the American educational system for more than a century. We conduct a critical race theory policy analysis using a framework that has been effective in previous work with examining cyclical inequalities, the convergence-divergence-reclamation cycle (or C-D-R cycle). In this article, we are focusing our analysis on the state of North Carolina due to its complex legal and political history with school desegregation and its recent support for various school choice options and privatizing public education. We assert that the push for school choice and privatizing public education in North Carolina demonstrates a broader, recurring problem in American public schools-–creating progressive education laws and policies appearing to promote educational equity and opportunity and then regressing to policies supporting White privilege while maintaining the status quo of inequitable educational opportunities for historically underserved and minoritized students.  相似文献   

5.
The controversial glory of the Brown decisions and the retraction of court-ordered reforms represent the limited gains of racial justice in education and the protection of white privilege through law and policy. The return to segregation, as propagated through the rise of racially and economically segregated charter schools, exhibits the circuitous nature of law and education policy, represents a return to unequal schooling, and reveals the enduring and meaningful connections between race, law, and education. Using the lens of critical race theory, this paper focuses on law as an instrument of racial justice and oppression in education during the era of school desegregation and the inevitable return to separate and unequal schools for African American students through new education policies that promote the proliferation of charter schools in large urban school districts.  相似文献   

6.
ABSTRACT

The United States Congress’ Southern Congressional Delegation promulgated the Declaration of Constitutional Principles, popularly known as the Southern Manifesto, on March 12, 1956. The Southern Manifesto was the South’s primary means to effectively delay implementation of public school desegregation as ordered by the United States Supreme Court decision, Brown v. Board of Topeka, Kansas (1954; as cited in Day, 2014). This essay places the desegregation of American public school system within the larger context of the time period in which it transpired, and explains how racial disparity in public education was perpetuated after the Jim Crow caste system was dismantled in the 1960s. Ironically, while de jure desegregation of American public schools was effectively accomplished by the early 1970s under the administration of President Richard M. Nixon, government spending during the era after World War II, perpetuated racial and economic disparity in America’s public schools that prevails up to the present day.  相似文献   

7.

Racial desegregation in higher education is taking on a new direction as the twenty‐first century approaches. The Brown v. Board of Education decision brought down legal racial barriers to segregated education, and this landmark US Supreme Court ruling was implicitly intended to apply to higher education as well. The positive changes for African Americans in removing racial barriers contributed significantly to the civil rights movement and opening avenues of opportunity. Yet, there has always been a fundamental tension between the removal of the vestiges of racial segregation to create equal educational opportunity, and the activist stance of addressing historical and current discriminatory educational policies. This is evident in the recent higher education desegregation and affirmative cases as the Federal Courts advocate the colour‐blind interpretation of higher education desegregation law and educational policy, while African Americans argue in favour of the enhancement of the public Historically Black Colleges and Universities and the explicit use of race as a form of diversity. This article examines the salient positions and racial identity politics surrounding this tension. I also argue that broader issues of racial control and power need to be addressed by educational institutions, the courts and the larger society in the debate about race, social justice and the removal of the vestiges of segregation.  相似文献   

8.
美国联邦最高法院在布朗诉教育委员会(1954)一案中宣告学校中的种族隔离制度违宪。该案重塑了教育平等权的概念,在全世界范围内都产生深远影响。然而这一举世闻名的案件事实上是发生在四个不同州的法律诉讼的集合。借助当年的史料,本文对发生在弗吉尼亚州的案件的缘起、发展、以及在实施中所遇到的重重困难和阻力进行微观分析。该分析显示,布朗案仅是美国教育种族合校的开始,远非胜利。  相似文献   

9.
In light of the 50th anniversary of the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) ruling, this article focuses on how the majority opinion in Brown set a precedent for the use of social science research in defining and examining inequity in education. This article argues that following Brown, social science research has gained prominence in its social function in shaping the debate in equal educational opportunity. Whereas Brown introduced racial desegregation in the governmental agenda, social science research since the 1960s has sustained the societal concerns on the challenge of inequality. This article examines how the use of social science research in Equality of Educational Opportunity (J. S. Coleman et al., 1966), an extensive study of schools and schooling under the direction of James Coleman of Johns Hopkins University and Ernest Campbell of Vanderbilt University during the mid 1960s, shaped the course of education research and policy toward the notion of equal educational opportunities. Further, this article discusses the more recent work of William Julius Wilson (1987) that shifts the equality of opportunity debate out of the courts and from individual and group opportunities to the equality of life chances.  相似文献   

10.
Books received     
The Brown v. Board of Education case of 1954 set the stage for addressing problems of educational and social inequities. It challenged prejudicial exclusion and supported nondiscriminatory exclusionary policies in general and special education programs. However, about 50 years later, culturally diverse learners are still excluded in educational programs through misidentification, misassessment, miscategorization, misplacement, and misinstruction-misintervention. It appears that 1 step forward and 2 steps backward have been taken. In this article, the authors examine the Brown case and its impact on the historical contexts of special education as they affect culturally diverse learners with exceptionalities.  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

In the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education case, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled segregated schools unconstitutional, and the process of school desegregation fell mostly to Black children. For over 35 years, Black families in St. Louis City have been using school transfers to cross boundaries in order to send their children to higher performing, predominately White schools in suburban St. Louis County in search of “a better education.” Relying on turbulence theory and Critical Race Theory (CRT), this study uses a media framing analysis to examine how newspaper articles described school transfers to the broader public between 2007 and 2017. Findings indicate that the articles described Black and White school districts as being affected by varying levels of turbulence and conflict. Findings also outline examples of opportunity hoarding by White schools and districts. The original focus of the Brown case was the lack of equitable resources in Black schools, and this study reignites questions about exclusion, privilege, and the choices made by Black families to receive educational equity.  相似文献   

12.
In June 2006, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed to review two related cases originating from school districts in Louisville, Kentucky and Seattle, Washington that involved voluntarily adopted racial integration plans. Concerned about the outcome of these cases, 553 social scientists submitted a social science statement to the Supreme Court summarizing the large body of social science research supporting the school districts’ policies relevant to the Court’s determination. The statement, reprinted here, supports three interrelated conclusions: (1) racially integrated schools provide significant benefits to students and communities; (2) racially isolated schools have harmful educational implications for students; and (3) race-conscious policies are necessary to maintain racial integration in schools. Because of the overwhelming amount of scholarly data, social scientists argued, as the lower courts had found, that the schools boards have a compelling interest to promote racial integration and prevent racial isolation through choice-based school assignment policies that consider race as a factor. On June 28, 2007, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the school assignment plans on the grounds that the plans were not narrowly tailored to the interests that the school districts had asserted. In addition to affecting the ability of school districts to maintain racially diverse schools, the decision has broad implications for researchers who seek to help school districts in these efforts.
Erica FrankenbergEmail:
  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

Latino students now make up 1 in 4 public school students in the United States and are a rapidly growing population in nontraditional settlement areas. Yet -persistent racial and ethnic disparities in educational achievement and attainment are cause for grave concern, as high school graduation and postsecondary -education are increasingly necessary for success in a 21st-century knowledge economy. This essay discusses a major shift in demographics across the nation and the resulting urgent educational challenges.  相似文献   

14.
This article provides a brief overview of segregated education in Kansas and then explores 3 legal cases: (a) Reynolds v. The Board of Education of the City of Topeka (1903), (b) Wright v. Board of Education of Topeka (1930), and (c) Graham v. Board of Education of Topeka (1941), the precursors to Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954). These lawsuits, brought by Black citizens in Topeka, Kansas, provide insights into the legal challenges to segregated education in Topeka prior to Brown and provide an analysis of the legal role Topeka played in terms of shaping and influencing the terrain of segregated education in not only Kansas but the United States.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

In light of contemporary school choice proposals and the 60th anniversary of the Southern Manifesto, the Prince Edward County, Virginia public schools crisis provides interesting historical discussion. Prince Edward County (PEC), a rural community in central Virginia, was one of five school districts represented in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision that ruled segregated public schools unconstitutional. In response to this decision, PEC closed public schools from 1959–1964 rather than desegregate them. Three other Virginia locales closed public schools to resist the desegregation mandate of Brown—Warren County, Charlottesville, and Norfolk—but none for as long as PEC. Like the 19 Senators and 82 Representatives from each of the former Confederate states who signed the Declaration of Constitutional Principles or “Southern Manifesto” and understood the Brown ruling as a violation of state’s rights, Virginia lawmakers also vowed “…to use all lawful means to bring about a reversal of this decision [Brown] which is contrary to the Constitution and to prevent the use of force in its implementation.”  相似文献   

16.
This article explains (a) why racial literacy—an understanding of the origins and function of race in US schools and society—is essential to the work of educational leaders, and (b) how educational leaders can improve their leadership through racial literacy. It introduces the concept of racial literacy as a first step to improving school leadership practices, to be followed by racial realism, racial reconstruction, and racial reconciliation in racially diverse school communities. The article concludes with recommendations and resources designed to advance the racial literacy of educational leaders and their teams as part of a broader commitment to inclusion and social justice in US schools.  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT

This article illustrates the historic relationship between the Brown v. Board of Education decision and the school choice movement. It will discuss the immediate push back to Brown particularly from Southern states that were resistant to desegregating public schools; a move that would provide African-American parents with educational choice for their children. Within the United States Congress 101 members, most from formerly Confederate states, drafted what is commonly known as the Southern Manifesto intent on reversing the Court’s decision and urging states to defy the law. Sixty years after the signing of the Southern Manifesto, there is still a coalition pushing for “freedom of choice,” this time with a sincere interest in the well-being of students trapped in the nation's lowest-performing schools and a mandate for equal opportunity, racial, ethnic, and gender equality.  相似文献   

18.
布朗诉教育委员会是美国教育法中里程碑式的案件。本文以弗吉尼亚州为例,分析了布朗案实施过程中抵制力量所使用的三个政策工具——学生派位制度、以"介入权"为标志的源于州权利的对抗、"选择的自由"。资料来自弗吉尼亚州议会和政府的史料、布朗及布朗案后一系列的法院判决、美国地方和国家媒体的报道以及相关的美国历史研究。分析表明,政策的执行并不是一个自上而下的简单过程,而是具有"纵横交错"的互动特点。  相似文献   

19.

In 1987, Cleveland Local Education Authority (LEA) allowed a child to transfer schools to one where the vast majority of children were white. Four years later, a High Court judge ruled that the LEA was correct to do so. His judgement made it clear that the 1976 Race Relations Act did not govern the 1980 provisions for parental choice of school. This paper looks at the implications of this case. After detailing the events leading up to and including the judicial review, it examines first, the legislative framework for parental choice of schools and its place in Conservative Party education policy, and second, it explores the history of school admissions in racial terms. Following this, three themes arising from the Cleveland case are highlighted: the increased levels of juridification affecting education, the deracializing of the debate on school organization and curriculum, and the roles of individual parents and the state in educating children. The paper concludes by focusing on the need for more participative structures within the education system. These changes would help to ensure that moves towards a segregated educational system do not occur by default, but that the matter is fully and publicly debated.  相似文献   

20.
ABSTRACT

There is not much debate regarding the Brown decision and the significance of the foundation it provided for access to equal educational opportunity and the school funding litigation movement; however, it is important to recognize that the inception of Brown can be traced back to a small rural town in South Carolina. Three years before the Supreme Court heard Brown v. Board, the legal strategy to attack separate but equal was formed in Summerton, South Carolina, with Briggs v. Elliott. Briggs was the first school funding lawsuit in South Carolina. More than 65 years after the first school funding lawsuit was filed in the state of South Carolina, rural school districts are still waiting for the state to provide adequate educational opportunity for poor, rural, mostly Black students. The schools in these districts are arguably still segregated, still unequal, and still inadequate. The purpose of this article is to examine the history and legacy of Briggs v. Elliot. The article begins with exploring the historical legal background of education finance litigation in South Carolina. This is followed by a snapshot of the prevalence of school segregation and educational inadequacies of the rural school districts represented in Briggs and recent lawsuits. Furthermore, the article discusses the role and function of the courts regarding South Carolina education, in addition to enacted legislation and the role of race. The article concludes with implications regarding policy and potential future legal strategies.  相似文献   

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