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1.
This article first examines the controversial revision of the Fundamental Law of Education (FLE) by situating it in the larger global context of neo‐liberal and neo‐conservative state‐restructuring and education reform. It then focuses on the domestic politics behind what seems to be the global convergence of education policy along neo‐liberal and neo‐conservative lines. Focusing on the political agency of the Ministry of Education (MOE) and tracing its shifting political interests in regards to the FLE amendment, the article illuminates the MOE’s strategic move to “become the Right” to secure its political legitimacy in the relentless neo‐liberal pressures for fiscal and administrative decentralisation.  相似文献   

2.
This paper considers the politics of neo‐liberal reform of education and training in the specific context of social partnerships. Social partnerships are hybrid social spaces formed when a range of interests/partners work together for mutual benefit. Partnerships are one of a series of hybridized social spaces which have been formed as a consequence of the trend to neo‐liberal governance. The paper begins by situating the study of social partnerships in wider concerns about neo‐liberal reform and politics. It reviews literature on social partnerships as a way of identifying the different approaches to the conceptualization of conflict or practical politics. These are role conflict, interest conflict, and regime conflict. It also draws on a series of empirical research projects on social partnerships in Australia which have identified persistent points of tension within partnership formation and maintenance. Drawing these conceptualizations and persistent points of tension together provides a framework which can guide systematic inquiry of social partnerships. The paper suggests that this framework facilitates research by naming different types of political action. It encourages a multi‐dimensional analysis of partnership politics rather than presenting partnerships as either a celebratory or categorical expression of neo‐liberal political rationality.  相似文献   

3.
This paper uses one national case to illustrate how diverse ideological agendas of central state agencies contest the discursive space within which major education policy reforms are developed. In Aotearoa New Zealand in 1988, ‘self‐managed’ schools were promoted ostensibly to allow parents more say in their children’s education and local school administration. The Tomorrow’s Schools reform policy texts included an existing social democratic partnership rhetoric, positioning principals as professional leaders working collaboratively with elected parent boards of trustees. However, the new ideology of ‘parental choice’ of school within a local schooling marketplace, underpinned by a chief executive or market managerial model of principalship, was later operationalised through mechanisms of ‘steerage’ from the centre. To explain this shift, we examine selected policy text pre‐cursors to the reforms and identify how contrasting forms of ‘principal’ and ‘teacher’ identity emerged within social democratic, neo‐liberal and market managerial ideologies. We further show that while radical (Treasury) market liberal arguments for labour market deregulation and consumer choice failed to gain widespread support, the State Services Commission preferred market managerialist strategies for promoting public accountability of schools (based on aggregate student achievement outcome data and centrally determined national educational priorities) were successfully embedded during the 1990s.  相似文献   

4.
Teachers in the English and Welsh State education system have experienced a changing and turbulent relationship with the State in recent decades. This article adopts a historical analysis and argues that the concept of ‘partnership’ is key to understanding the relationship between teachers and the State in the period since the Second World War. Initially a partnership based on a commitment to welfarist values, professional autonomy and collective bargaining; this has been systematically dismantled and reconstructed as a ‘social partnership’ based on teacher union involvement in workforce reform coupled with a significantly more managerialist conception of professional accountability. Re‐engineering the terms of its partnership with teachers has been central to the State’s restructuring of public education along neo‐liberal lines.  相似文献   

5.
This paper examines the discourses and modes of representation embodied in educational historiography from the 1970s to the present and their implications for intellectual identity construction in SA. The paper shows how the theoretical foundations of the liberal and Afrikaner nationalist discourses, which vacillated between race and ethnicity, shifted to social class and gender in radical and neo‐Marxist discursive formations of the 1980s. It highlights how the decline of radical scholarship has resulted in a synthesis of constructivist and postmodernist discourses that privilege nation‐building, identity and cultural diversity after apartheid within a predominantly neo‐liberal paradigm. It argues that the transition to post‐apartheid education came to be thought about within a horizon of possibilities different from the rigid paradigmatic tradition of the short‐lived neo‐Marxist school of the 1970s and 1980s.  相似文献   

6.
Part of the main: a project for English   总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1  
The teaching of English in England has been transformed over the last two decades by powerful, top‐down orthodoxies, that in turn relate to a European‐wide shift in education towards market‐orientated, neo‐liberal policy goals. One of the effects of this reshaping is that the openness of English to popular cultures has been lessened and its links to the interests of social movements attenuated. Yet, unlike its conservative predecessor, present‐day policy orthodoxy seeks not so much the obliteration of the cultural interests that sustained English than their translation into a new form, in which ideas of ‘creativity’, ‘personalisation’ and ‘innovation’ are reinterpreted in neo‐liberal terms. The article considers how, in such complex conditions, the principles of a new project for English can be developed.  相似文献   

7.
Dominant conceptions of the world infuse educational experiences for young people in implicit rather than explicit ways—through becoming, as Stuart Hall argues, ‘the horizon of the taken‐for‐granted’. In this article we explore these horizons as experienced by New Zealand’s neo‐liberal generation, currently ‘in transition’ from high school to further education, training and/or employment. As in Britain, further education has become a taken‐for‐granted feature of post‐school horizons for young New Zealanders but it is not a meaningful destination for all of them. The 93 young New Zealanders in our study have grown up during a period of intensive neo‐liberal reform, the speed and scope of which were unprecedented in Western economies. We interviewed these young people in their last year of high school and again once they were well embarked on their post‐school lives. We explore how the landscapes of choice of these young people have been restructured in neo‐liberal times: for some, the influences of parents, teachers, schools, universities and educational policy have come together to construct apparently wide‐open horizons in which university is a taken‐for‐granted destination. For others, however, these influences have remained subject to assumptions about ‘race’ and class that have a long history in New Zealand and the result has been a narrowing of future possibilities for participants. In all cases, we are concerned to explore the costs that are borne by these young people in this new environment.  相似文献   

8.
This paper provides a critique of neo‐liberal political economy of education. It is argued that neo‐liberal ideology trades off democracy against ‘economic efficiency’. However, the consequence of the application of neo‐liberal principles to education is that overall standards of education are likely to decline, thereby creating the conditions for a low skilled, low morale workforce. It is suggested that this outcome is consistent with the Neo‐liberal creation of a low wage low technology economy. On the basis of the critique, an alternative education system concerned with meeting the aims of an education for a democratic, economically sophisticated, society is sketched.  相似文献   

9.
This paper revisits the question of ‘voice’ in the context of neo‐liberal social and educational reform. ‘Voice’ has been one of the key concepts of feminist and critical pedagogies in the theory and practice of producing social transformation. I argue in this paper, that the political effectiveness of this concept needs to be reconsidered at a time when the incitement to speak is one of the means by which neo‐liberal subjectivities are produced and regulated. I trace the ways the metaphor Girl Number Twenty circulates in the feminist pedagogy literature, with the purpose of engaging in a dialogue about the particular challenges girl number twenty encounters in the context of the new hard times wrought by neo‐liberalism and the shifting tensions between media, ideology and feminist teachers. The paper draws on ethnographic material from a school‐community project that took place in Toronto, Canada with girls' aged 10–14 from diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds (Vietnamese, Cambodian, Portuguese, Afro‐Caribbean and Chinese).  相似文献   

10.
This paper provides a critical analysis of the EU’s Memorandum on lifelong learning in light of the evolution of the concepts of lifelong education and lifelong learning from the late sixties onward. It also analyses this document in light of the forces of globalisation that impinge on educational policy‐making in Europe as well as the all‐pervasive neo‐liberal ideology. The paper moves from theory to practice to provide critical considerations concerning certain ‘on the ground’ projects being presented as ‘best practice’ in EU documents. It brings out the neo‐liberal tenets that underlie much of the thinking and rationale for these projects, and indicates, in the process, how much of the old UNESCO discourse of lifelong education has been distorted to accommodate capitalism’s contemporary needs. An alternative conception of lifelong learning is called for.  相似文献   

11.
Lynn Davies 《Compare》1999,29(2):127-140
The growth of democratisation reveals tensions associated with the concept and practice of democracy, particularly as applied to education. Such tensions include either suspicions of Western imperialism or—at the other end of the spectrum—the enthusiastic embracing of neo‐liberal market versions. There can be associations both with equity and with anarchy, or the assumption that democracy is only about majority rule. This paper proposes an eight‐point model by which to compare systems: this looks at values, rights, system structures, school processes, learning content, balance, training and outcomes. The paper goes on to outline ways to identify indicators of democracy and adherence to human rights in school structures and processes. Examples are given of the different ways democracy can be interpreted at different levels in a country. The argument is that such comparisons and understandings of language and process are essential if international collaboration towards democracy and development is to be achieved.  相似文献   

12.
ABSTRACT

This paper is an account of how higher education can become a site of resistance in the pursuit of equality while also identifying the dangers and limitations involved in this process. The development of a new intellectual perspective, namely Equality Studies, is examined and its potential for the understanding of egalitarian practice is explored. The paper examines the reasons why sociology, in particular critical and neo‐Marxist sociology, became inadequate as a way of understanding inequality and exploring egalitarian goals. It explores the limitations of the work of equality empiricists which has failed to move outside the liberal paradigm, and of critical theory and neo‐Marxism which has not gone beyond critique to identify mechanisms and institutions to develop a new egalitarian order. Prom the author's perspective, the seeming inability of sociology to marry empirical and normative discourses was a key factor in contributing to the development of Equality Studies. The latter part of the paper outlines some of the central issues in Equality Studies and the positive influences on its development, both nationally and internationally. It argues for a new and more politically involved role for radical academics while recognising the very real constraints within which they now work.  相似文献   

13.
This article aims to present some tensions embedded in the Italian educational reform, arising both from the enactment of neo‐liberal policies and the possibilities of democratic development opened up by the introduction of schools’ site‐based management and decentralisation. The article uses discourses as heuristic devices and presents two case studies regarding the enactment of policies of educational governance promoted in 2003 by a local authority (the Italian Provincia) and inspired by the democratic discourse. These policies were intended to promote the participation and collaboration of schools and heads in educational planning. It illustrates how the neo‐liberal discourse re‐shaped the Italian educational system and challenged welfarism. At the same time, we also attempt to illustrate the action of cultural path dependencies and the space emerging for a democratic discourse, which could be interpreted both as an alternative to its neo‐liberal counterpart and as an attempt to re‐discover democratic participation and promote more equity‐oriented practices in the educational field. Two different understandings of educational governance and headship seem to emerge. The study underlines how the intertwining of national and local policies inspired by contradicting discourses could result in the spread of competitive practices and consequently in a further differentiation of the educational provision and stratification between schools, or have an egalitarian outcome, where processes of collaboration, collective empowerment and reflexivity are enacted. Our work demonstrates how democratic and collaborative spaces opened up by site‐based management and policies of educational governance implemented at a local level are always at risk, due both to the rise of competitive pressures and the resilience of welfarist discourses and practice.  相似文献   

14.
Successive Australian governments have adopted neo‐liberal ideological imperatives of engaging with globalisation. This has been particularly noticeable in the policy areas of employment and higher education. Frame analysis and sensemaking are deployed to examine the ways in which neo‐liberalism has influenced the perspectives young people graduating from two Australian universities have towards work and education. Our findings show that the ways in which students made sense of their environment reflected neo‐liberal conceptions in that their attitudes to work and education were framed in mainly instrumental, economic terms. It is concluded that although neo‐liberalism is ascendant, it is not all pervasive.  相似文献   

15.
Export education in New Zealand has grown rapidly since 1990, earning significant foreign exchange and underwriting the finance of domestic education. As principal owner of education institutions, the national state is the primary investor. Previous governments treated the ‘industry’ as both windfall and cash‐cow as they advanced the neo‐liberal project of disentangling state from economy and making education providers self‐regulating. The current ‘Third Way’ inspired government has adopted a more prominent management interest in the making of this globalising industry. A new Code of Practice enacts multiple technologies of control from quality control to standard setting, benchmarking, certification and audit. Legitimated by a discourse of concern for the pastoral care of school‐aged students, it requires institutions to provide detailed information. The Code makes ‘the industry’ visible, makes a market, controls brand NZ education, regulates through consumer assurance, and imposes direct disciplinary controls on institutions. The Code of Practice makes apparent the ambitions and governmental technologies of the ‘augmented’ neo‐liberal state, and is a pivotal structure in the constitution of the industry and of the globalising processes that define it. The paper uses governmentality analysis to uncover these technologies of control and to consider their part in the constitution of both industry and globalisation.  相似文献   

16.
A variety of perspectives exist on the evaluation of Japan’s educational reform of 2002, which has evolved since the 1980s. However, thus far, little attention has been paid to the emerging influence of civil society on educational policies and practices. This paper shows that the origin of the current educational reforms can be traced to reports prepared by various neo‐liberal/conservative business leaders and politicians. Further, it shows their privatization and decentralization principles happen to coincide with the increasing interest of progressive citizens’ groups and educators. Their impact on the Japanese education system remains latent, especially as more scepticism grows towards progressivism as a philosophy behind the current educational reform. However, the expanding civil society and new progressive education movements in Japan are trends worth exploring in the context of globalization at the grass‐roots level.  相似文献   

17.
The Activist Professional and the Reinstatement of Trust   总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3  
Public sector reform in the field of education has been ongoing and relentless. Whether in the UK, Europe, the USA or Australasia, there has been an expectation that the education 'industry' can be managed in the same way as any other commercial enterprise with an emphasis upon forms of accountability which require less and less professional judgment on the part of practitioners. In this article we examine the growth of the 'audit society' and its consequences for professional practice in education. We indicate that there are two responses to bureaucratic surveillance: to act as an entrepreneurial professional or as an activist professional. We argue that the latter is achievable when trust is reinstated through the community of professional practice itself. We illustrate our case using issues surrounding the establishment of professional standards for teachers and we develop strategies for activist professionalism in education.  相似文献   

18.
The UK coalition Government's call to end the ‘bias’ towards inclusion represents a shift in ‘policy speak’ as the new administration attempts to re‐narrate special education by putting forward a ‘reasonable and sensible’ solution to the ‘problem of inclusion’. However, implicit in the call is the assumption that there has, in fact, been a ‘bias towards inclusion’ in education policy and practice; here, that assumption is challenged. Using a critical disability studies perspective, Katherine Runswick‐Cole, who is a research fellow in Disability Studies and Psychology in the Research Institute of Health and Social Change at Manchester Metropolitan University, draws on the concept of ableism and critiques of neo‐liberal market systems in education to reveal and explore the persistent barriers to inclusive education embedded within the education system. It is argued that although there may have been an inclusive education policy rhetoric, this rhetoric is rooted in conceptual incongruities which, rather than promoting inclusion, undermine an inclusive approach to education.  相似文献   

19.
The paper’s focus is The Dakar framework for action—education for all: meeting our collective commitments, which presents the UNESCO, G8, World Bank and International Monetary Fund’s blueprint for the ‘development’ of education globally by 2015. Taking a discourse analytic approach, discussion of the Dakar framework make two claims. The first is that the Framework has a Matrix‐like effect in that it potentially closes out other ways of thinking about and practicing education. The second argument is that the apparent contradiction between its deployment of a human rights centered discourse and neo‐liberal discourse that establishes this Matrix‐like effect, must be understood as something more than simply an exercise in lies, deception and rhetoric. Rather, the Matrix‐like effect of the Framework succeeds not because the Framework lies, but because it doubly exploits the very same ambivalence in liberal‐humanism that facilitated the European control of ‘Others’ in an earlier era of globalisation. Gandhi who challenged the Matrix‐like effects of globalising British Empire power in this earlier era of globalisation is referred to in the paper as a real figure of history to exemplify the Neo figure in the discussion of the Matrix as a metaphor for the neo‐liberal EFA policy.  相似文献   

20.
It has been argued earlier in this journal that from the formation of the United Kingdom Central Council for Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting (UKCC) in 1984, until the initiation in 1989 of NHS reform by the third Thatcher administration, nurse education policy development was dominated by a nursing establishment located largely within the UKCC. During this period, in the context of an educational reform, a non-collective professional project emerged which left around 30% of the nursing workforce marooned in an obsolescent occupational group. Drawing on documents from UKCC archives, this paper analyses that professional project in terms of professionalization theory, and argues that by following a non-collective agenda, UKCC eroded nursing's labour market position in relation to the provision of care in the National Health Service (NHS). It is further argued that this eroded labour market position has subsequently been exacerbated by government-led policy developments concerning vocational education and NHS reform, with a consequent weakening of nursing's influence on important aspects of caring work in the health service. Explanations for these aspects of the professional project are proposed relating to the fact that although wide-ranging in terms of the nature and practice of nursing, Project 2000 was positioned and conducted as an educational reform. While education provided the ‘political space’ (i.e. free from the immediate priorities and direct involvement of the NHS) for UKCC to assemble and promote its radical professional project, that project as a consequence was uninformed by cost and workforce planning issues. Late stage engagement between professional aspirations and service needs demonstrated the likelihood of an eroded labour market position for nurses, and high levels of risk for the NHS in terms of the supply of nurses, but by that point UKCC was already committed to the key elements of its original proposals.  相似文献   

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