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1.
Here we present the framework of a new approach to assessing the capacity of research programs to achieve social goals. Research
evaluation has made great strides in addressing questions of scientific and economic impacts. It has largely avoided, however,
a more important challenge: assessing (prospectively or retrospectively) the impacts of a given research endeavor on the non-scientific,
non-economic goals—what we here term “public values”—that often are the core public rationale for the endeavor. Research programs
are typically justified in terms of their capacity to achieve public values, and that articulation of public values is pervasive
in science policy-making. We outline the elements of a case-based approach to “public value mapping” of science policy, with
a particular focus on developing useful criteria and methods for assessing “public value failure,” with an intent to provide
an alternative to “market failure” thinking that has been so powerful in science policy-making. So long as research evaluation
avoids the problem of public values, science policy decision makers will have little help from social science in making choices
among competing paths to desired social outcomes. 相似文献
2.
Nathaniel Logar 《Minerva》2011,49(1):113-136
Using the Public Value Mapping framework, I address the values successes and failures of chemistry as compared to the emerging
field of green chemistry, in which the promoters attempt to incorporate new and expanded values, such as health, safety, and
environmental sustainability, to the processes of prioritizing and conducting chemistry research. I document how such values
are becoming increasingly “public.” Moreover, analysis of the relations among the multiple values associated with green chemistry
displays a greater internal coherence and logic than for conventional chemistry. Although traditional chemistry research has
successfully contributed to both economic and values gains, there have been public values failures due to imperfect values
articulations, failure to take a longer-term view, and inertia within a system that places too much emphasis on “science values.”
Green chemistry, if implemented effectively, has potential to remedy these failures. 相似文献
3.
Elena Aronova 《Minerva》2012,50(3):307-337
The Congress for Cultural Freedom is remembered as a paramount example of the “cultural cold wars.” In this paper, I discuss the ways in which this powerful transnational organization sought to promote “science studies” as a distinct – and politically relevant – area of expertise, and part of the CCF broader agenda to offer a renewed framework for liberalism. By means of its Study Groups, international conferences and its periodicals, such as Minerva, the Congress developed into an influential forum for examining the ways Big Science impacted the relations between science, society, and politics, thus constituting a semi-institutional niche for Science Studies before its professionalization within academia during the 1970s. I argue that the Congress contributed to the construction of public space in which the relations between science, society and politics were debated, and science was reconceptualized as a social activity. The vision of “science studies” the CCF-associated intellectuals promulgated was different from the science studies we know today. Yet, this alternative vision, in which the issues of science politics appeared inseparable from those of science policy, science organization, and science governance, constituted the “pre-history” of science studies today. 相似文献
4.
Valdivia WD 《Minerva》2011,49(1):25-46
Evaluation studies of the Bayh-Dole Act are generally concerned with the pace of innovation or the transgressions to the independence
of research. While these concerns are important, I propose here to expand the range of public values considered in assessing
Bayh-Dole and formulating future reforms. To this end, I first examine the changes in the terms of the Bayh-Dole debate and
the drift in its design. Neoliberal ideas have had a definitive influence on U.S. innovation policy for the last thirty years,
including legislation to strengthen patent protection. Moreover, the neoliberal policy agenda is articulated and justified
in the interest of “competitiveness.” Rhetorically, this agenda equates competitiveness with economic growth and this with
the public interest. Against that backdrop, I use Public Value Failure criteria to show that values such as political equality,
transparency, and fairness in the distribution of the benefits of innovation, are worth considering to counter the “policy
drift” of Bayh-Dole. 相似文献
5.
Stephen P. Turner 《Minerva》2010,48(3):239-258
Charles Perrow used the term “normal accidents” to characterize a type of catastrophic failure that resulted when complex,
tightly coupled production systems encountered a certain kind of anomalous event. These were events in which systems failures
interacted with one another in a way that could not be anticipated, and could not be easily understood and corrected. Systems
of the production of expert knowledge are increasingly becoming tightly coupled. Unlike classical science, which operated
with a long time horizon, many current forms of expert knowledge are directed at immediate solutions to complex problems.
These are prone to breakdowns like the kind discussed by Perrow. The example of the Homestake mine experiment shows that even
in modern physics complex systems can produce knowledge failures that last for decades. The concept of knowledge risk is introduced,
and used to characterize the risk of failure in such systems of knowledge production. 相似文献
6.
STS research has devoted relatively little attention to the promotion and reception of science and technology by non-scientific
actors and institutions. One consequence is that the relationship of science and technology to political power has tended
to remain undertheorized. This article aims to fill that gap by introducing the concept of “sociotechnical imaginaries.” Through
a comparative examination of the development and regulation of nuclear power in the US and South Korea, the article demonstrates
the analytic potential of the imaginaries concept. Although nuclear power and nationhood have long been imagined together
in both countries, the nature of those imaginations has remained strikingly different. In the US, the state’s central move
was to present itself as a responsible regulator of a potentially runaway technology that demands effective “containment.”
In South Korea, the dominant imaginary was of “atoms for development” which the state not only imported but incorporated into
its scientific, technological and political practices. In turn, these disparate imaginaries have underwritten very different
responses to a variety of nuclear shocks and challenges, such as Three Mile Island (TMI), Chernobyl, and the spread of the
anti-nuclear movement.
Sheila Jasanoff is Pforzheimer Professor of Science and Technology Studies at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. Her research centers on the interactions of law, science, and politics in democratic societies. She is particularly concerned with the construction of public reason in various cultural contexts, and with the role of science and technology in globalization. Her most recent book is Designs on Nature: Science and Democracy in Europe and the United States. Sang-Hyun Kim is Postdoctoral Research Fellow at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. He received Ph.D.’s in chemistry from Oxford and in history and sociology of science from Edinburgh. His research interests include the cultural politics of science and technology in twentieth-century Korea, the politics of expertise, the governance of science and technology, and the history and politics of environmental sciences. 相似文献
| Sang-Hyun KimEmail: |
Sheila Jasanoff is Pforzheimer Professor of Science and Technology Studies at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. Her research centers on the interactions of law, science, and politics in democratic societies. She is particularly concerned with the construction of public reason in various cultural contexts, and with the role of science and technology in globalization. Her most recent book is Designs on Nature: Science and Democracy in Europe and the United States. Sang-Hyun Kim is Postdoctoral Research Fellow at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. He received Ph.D.’s in chemistry from Oxford and in history and sociology of science from Edinburgh. His research interests include the cultural politics of science and technology in twentieth-century Korea, the politics of expertise, the governance of science and technology, and the history and politics of environmental sciences. 相似文献
7.
Alvin Weinberg’s classic and much debated two articles in Minerva, “Criteria for Scientific Choice” (1963) and “Criteria for Scientific Choice II – The Two Cultures” (1964), represent two of the first and most important attempts to create a meta-discourse about priority setting in science policy, and many of the points advanced remain relevant. The goal of this paper is to elaborate on the relevance of some of Weinberg’s original arguments to priority setting today. We have singled out four issues for attention: The tension between scientific and institutional choice, the assumptions behind the triad of scientific, technological and social merit, the elusive ‘externality from size’ argument for funding promoted by Weinberg, and finally the problems involved in the idea of basic science as an ‘overhead cost’ for applied science, and applied science as an ‘overhead’ on a sectoral mission. These four issues will be elaborated from a policy perspective and connected to present day challenges for science and technology policy. 相似文献
8.
Roger PielkeJr. 《Minerva》2012,50(3):339-361
The use of the phrase “basic research” as a term used in science policy discussion dates only to about 1920. At the time the phrase referred to what we today commonly refer to as applied research in support of specific missions or goals, especially agriculture. Upon the publication of Vannevar Bush’s well-known report, Science – The Endless Frontier, the phrase “basic research” became a key political symbol, representing various identifications, expectations and demands related to science policy among scientists and politicians. This paper tracks and evaluates the evolution of “basic research” as a political symbol from early in the 20th century to the present. With considerable attention having been paid to the on-going evolution of post-Cold War science policy, much less attention has focused on the factors which have shaped the dominant narrative of contemporary science policies. 相似文献
9.
When the journal Minerva was founded in 1962, science and higher educational issues were high on the agenda, lending impetus to the interdisciplinary field of “Science Studies” qua “Science Policy Studies.” As government expenditures for promoting various branches of science increased dramatically on both sides of the East-West Cold War divide, some common issues regarding research management also emerged and with it an interest in closer academic interaction in the areas of history and policy of science. Through a close reading of many early issues of Minerva but also of its later competitor journal Science Studies (now called Social Studies of Science) the paper traces the initial optimism of an academically based Science Studies dialogue across the Cold War divide and the creation in 1971 of the International Commission for Science Policy Studies as a bridging forum, one that Minerva strangely chose to ignore. In this light, attention is drawn to aspects of the often forgotten history of Science Studies in the former Soviet Union and the Eastern European block. Reviewed also are several early discussions that are still relevant today: e.g., regarding differing concepts of Big Science, science and democracy, autonomy in higher education and what conditions are necessary to sustain academic freedom and scientific integrity (some of Edward Shils’ primary concerns). Finally, it is noted how the question of quantitative methods to measure scientific productivity lay at the heart of a “Science of Science” movement of the 1960s has re-emerged in a new form integral to the notion of a “Science of Science Policy.” 相似文献
10.
Mercy W. Kamara 《Minerva》2009,47(4):441-463
Drawing from contemporary social science studies on the shifting regime of research governance, this paper extends the literature
by utilizing a metaphoric image—research is a game—observed in a field engagement with 82 American, British, and Danish crop
and plant scientists. It theorizes respondents’ thinking and practices by placing the rules of the research “game” in dynamic
and interactive tension between the scientific, social, and political-economic contingencies that generate opportunities or
setbacks. Scientists who play the game exploit opportunities and surmount setbacks by adopting strategies and reinventing
tactics in order to maximize their winnings and to minimize their losses. Winners become superstars who decree what is open,
closed, or doable science for the majority of the scientific community. 相似文献
11.
In recent times there has been a surge in interest on policy instruments to stimulate scientific and engineering research
that is of greater consequence, advancing our knowledge in leaps rather than steps and is therefore more “creative” or, in
the language of recent reports, “transformative.” Associated with the language of “transformative research” there appears
to be much enthusiasm and conviction that the future of research is tied to it. However, there is very little clarity as to
what exactly it is and what criteria might be used to design policy instruments to make more of it happen. In this paper,
we contribute to the construction of a framework within which some conceptual clarity might be gained. We develop four analogies,
or metaphors, that are found in the discourse about “transformative research” and show what they imply for the meaning of
the notion and, as a result, both the phenomena that might be associated with it and the levers that would be available to
design policy instruments. The analogies serving as theoretical metaphors that we propose, and also document to be present
either explicitly or implicitly in the discourse about “transformative research,” are the stock market highlighting risk;
the process of evolution and its selection mechanisms; the process of popular culture and the power of “hot” events; and exploration
of the frontier of the unknown. No single analogy covers all the relevant issues. Together they help identify a field of phenomena
and the potential and challenges “transformative research” presents to policy. 相似文献
12.
Genevieve E. Maricle 《Minerva》2011,49(1):87-111
No matter one’s wealth or social position, all are subject to the threats of natural hazards. Be it fire, flood, hurricane,
earthquake, tornado, or drought, the reality of hazard risk is universal. In response, governments, non-profits, and the private
sector all support research to study hazards. Each has a common end in mind: to increase the resilience of vulnerable communities.
While this end goal is shared across hazards, the conception of how to get there can diverge considerably. The earthquake
and hurricane research endeavors in the US provide an illustrative contrast. The earthquake community sets out to increase
resilience through a research process that simultaneously promotes both high quality and usable – preparedness-focused - science.
In order to do so, the logic suggests that research must be collaborative, responsive, and transparent. Hurricane research,
by contrast, largely promotes high quality science – predictions - alone, and presumes that usability should flow from there.
This process is not collaborative, responsive, or transparent. Experience suggests, however, that the latter model – hurricane
research - does not prepare communities or decision makers to use the high quality science it has produced when a storm does
hit. The predictions are good, but they are not used effectively. Earthquake research, on the other hand, is developed through
a collaborative process that equips decision makers to know and use hazards research knowledge as soon as an earthquake hits.
The contrast between the two fields suggests that earthquake research is more likely to meet the end goal of resilience than
is hurricane research, and thus that communities might be more resilient to hurricanes were the model by which research is
funded and conducted to change. The earthquake research experience can provide lessons for this shift. This paper employs
the Public Value Mapping (PVM) framework to explore these two divergent public value logics, their end results, and opportunities
for improvement. 相似文献
13.
In this paper we critically review recent developments in policies, practices and philosophies pertaining to the mediation
between science and the public within the EU and the UK, focusing in particular on the current paradigm of Public Understanding
of Science and Technology (PEST) which seeks to depart from the science information-transmission associated with previous
paradigms, and enact a deliberative democracy model. We first outline the features of the current crisis in democracy and
discuss deliberative democracy as a response to this crisis. We then map out and critically review the broad outlines of recent
policy developments in public-science mediation in the EU and UK contexts, focusing on the shift towards the deliberative-democratic
model. We conclude with some critical thoughts on the complex interrelationships between democracy, equality, science and
informal pedagogies in public-science mediations. We argue that science and democracy operate within distinct value-spheres
that are not necessarily consonant with each other. We also problematize the now common dismissal of information-transmission
of science as inimical to democratic engagement, and argue for a reassessment of the role and importance of informal science
learning for the “lay” public, provided within the framework of a deliberative democracy that is not reducible to consensus
building or the mere expression of opinions rooted in social and cultural givens. This, we argue, can be delivered by a model
of PEST that is creative and experimental, with both educational and democratic functions. 相似文献
14.
Dominique Pestre 《Minerva》2009,47(3):243-260
What I consider in this paper are various forms of government, various technologies and discursive regimes of government that
are in common use today. What interests me are the categories and tools, practical dispositifs and languages that developed over the last decades ‘to constitute, define, organize, and instrumentalize the strategies that
individuals, acting freely, may use to deal with one another’ (Foucault). The paper considers first the neo-liberal wish to
reassert the individual as alone in responsibility for his/her own life after the unfortunate digression into Welfare Statism and Keynesian economics,
source of all ills. It then focuses on some material and social technologies that encourage people to accept full and complete
‘self-sovereignty’. This section leads to a discussion on the new demands (and resistance) society imposed on this liberal
normative ideal. It notably considers the growing demands to ‘participate’ in decision processes and to be environmentally
friendly. In section “Les Mots et Les Choses: A New Discursive Regime”, it considers the discursive regime that progressively
took shape and which currently permeates international governance bodies of all stripes—from the World Bank to the Conference
of Parties for Climate Change. In the final section, it comes back to the initial question and considers what these changes
actually mean for the democratic order as constituted over the past 250 years. 相似文献
15.
In this paper, we engage with the widespread and influential approach of National Innovation Systems (NIS). We discuss its adequacy to non-OECD countries, especially in Latin America where it tends to be reified. Although the NIS approach is meant to address the most pressing needs of the economies it applies to, we argue that it would benefit from developing a more encompassing scope, allowing integration of greater diversity and complexity. By retracing the history of regimes of science, technology and innovation in Latin America, we explore the following paradox: whereas numerous Southern scholars urge the pressing need to develop an innovation agenda for Southern countries with a “Southern framework of thought”, they continue to heavily rely on a reductionist version of the NIS-approach that prevents such a “Southern perspective” to fully emerge. This creates problems for actors willing to use NIS more reflexively, and it also affects the effectivity of science, technology and innovation (STI) policies in non-OECD countries. We formulate a research agenda with three suggestions for further engaging NIS both conceptually and practically. Using such analytical perspectives, we argue, might benefit both to scholarly work about NIS, but could also allow for a better articulation with STI regimes in Southern countries. 相似文献
16.
In recent years, British science policy has seen a significant shift ‘from deficit to dialogue’ in conceptualizing the relationship
between science and the public. Academics in the interdisciplinary field of Science and Technology Studies (STS) have been
influential as advocates of the new public engagement agenda. However, this participatory agenda has deeper roots in the political
ideology of the Third Way. A framing of participation as a politics suited to post-Fordist conditions was put forward in the
magazine Marxism Today in the late 1980s, developed in the Demos thinktank in the 1990s, and influenced policy of the New Labour government. The
encouragement of public participation and deliberation in relation to science and technology has been part of a broader implementation
of participatory mechanisms under New Labour. This participatory program has been explicitly oriented toward producing forms
of social consciousness and activity seen as essential to a viable knowledge economy and consumer society. STS arguments for
public engagement in science have gained influence insofar as they have intersected with the Third Way politics of post-Fordism. 相似文献
17.
James Heilbrun 《Journal of Cultural Economics》1997,21(1):29-40
The Sunday “Arts and Leisure” section of the New York Times for selected years is examined to gauge competition between “high”
culture and “popular” culture. From 1962 through 1988 high culture consistently outranked popular culture in percentage of
articles, but after 1988 popular culture gained steadily, and by 1993 accounted for 49 percent of articles as compared with
only 39 percent for high culture. Most of the gain was accounted for by coverage of motion pictures. For two out of four sub-categories
a significant correlation was found between editorial content and advertising, so that one cannot reject the hypothesis that
advertising affects editorial coverage.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
18.
19.
In this article we present an empirical analysis of the ‘patterns of cultural choice’ in the musical domain in Italy. The
main goal of the article is to verify whether musical tastes in Italy are diversified, with the presence of a group of ‘cultural
omnivores’. Our study is based on the theoretical model of the demand for cultural goods proposed by Lévy-Garboua and Montmarquette
(1996). In the empirical analysis we simultaneously evaluate the probability of choosing different musical genres. Through the
specification of the set of alternatives into three groupings of musical genres —“only classical music”, “only popular music”
and “all music”—we were able to detect the relative impact of several socio-economic characteristics on the probability of
having “univorous” or “omnivorous” musical likings. In addition, our approach allows us to verify the existence of different
patterns of music consumption by testing the significance of differences among the estimated coefficients of the probability
functions related to the three groupings of musical genres. We find that age, gender and education are important predictors
of an omnivorous taste.
相似文献
| Carlofilippo FrateschiEmail: |
20.
The objective of this paper is to balance two major conceptual tendencies in science policy studies, continuity and discontinuity
theory. While the latter argue for fundamental and distinct changes in science policy in the late 20th century, continuity
theorists show how changes do occur but not as abrupt and fundamental as discontinuity theorists suggests. As a point of departure,
we will elaborate a typology of scientific governance developed by Hagendijk and Irwin (2006) and apply it to new empirical material. This makes possible a contextualization of the governance of science related to
the codification of the “third assignment” of the Swedish higher education law of 1977. The law defined the relation between
university science and Swedish citizens as a dissemination project, and did so despite that several earlier initiatives actually
went well beyond such a narrow conceptualisation. Our material reveals continuous interactive and rival arrangements linking
the state, public authorities, the universities and private industrial enterprises. We show how different but coexisting modes
of governance of science existed in Sweden during the 20th century, in clear contrast with the picture promoted by discontinuity
theorists. A close study of the historical development suggests that there were several periods of layered governance when
interactions and dynamics associated with continuity as well as discontinuity theories were prevalent. In addition, we conclude
that the typology of governance applied in the present paper is fruitful for carrying out historical analyses of the kind
embarked upon in spite of certain methodological shortcomings. 相似文献