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1.
In this article we address the issue of why democratic citizenship education should be incorporated more meaningfully into Islamic education discourses in formal institutions in the Arab and Muslim world. In the Arab and Muslim world civic and national education seem to be the dominant discourses. We argue that the latter discourses are inadequate to address some of the dystopias in the Arab and Muslim world such as the perpetuation of patriarchy, uncritical obedience to the state (often dictatorships), and blind patriotism. Consequently we posit that unless a culture of acceptance and hospitality (i.e. cosmopolitanism) is cultivated at Islamic educational institutions the possibility of democratic citizenship education unfolding is quite remote. That is, the future of Islamic education can only be re‐envisioned if an amended version of democratic citizenship education can inform Islamic education discourses in institutions—one constituted by a culture of acceptance and hospitality.  相似文献   

2.
In 1909, at the height of the woman suffrage controversy and during the golden age of postcards, the Dunston-Weiler Lithograph Company of New York produced a twelve-card set of full-color lithographic cartoon postcards opposing woman suffrage. The postcard images reflect, and depart from, verbal arguments concerning woman suffrage prevalent during this period. They reflect arguments against suffrage that highlighted the coarsening effect the vote would have on women. The postcards also present an argument that was absent in the verbal discourse surrounding suffrage: that men (and the nation) would become feminized by woman suffrage. Accordingly, these postcards offer a productive location in which to explore how the icons of the Madonna and Uncle Sam, as well as non-iconic images of women, were deployed to reiterate the disciplinary norms of the ideographs of <woman> and <man>.  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT

To tell the whole story of the struggle for woman suffrage, we need to begin the story well before 1848 and continue it long after 1920. For those teaching about woman suffrage, this essay offers resources that enable you to situate the 19th Amendment within a richer narrative of woman suffrage.  相似文献   

4.
This article discusses community college involvement in a key welfare-to-work training program, the Jobs Opportunities and Basic Skills Training Program (JOBS), as a mirror to reflect on the larger issue of how federal and state workforce policy impacts publicly-controlled institutions of higher education. A qualitative assessment of JOBS programs at community colleges framed discussion regarding the challenges community colleges face as they attempt to preserve these programs within an era of devolved responsibility for welfare-to-work funding from the federal government to the states.  相似文献   

5.
In this study, the authors ask the question, 'What does it mean to wear the labels "teacher" and "female"?' Eighteen Master of Arts in Teaching students volunteered to participate in a Gender Issues Seminar at a large US public state university. Their language, recorded through audio-recordings, response journals, and autobiographical webs become the basis for analysis. Applying post-structural feminist theory, the authors identify powerful discourses determining what it means to be 'female' and 'teacher.' The study illustrates how the discourse of teaching as acceptable women's work and the discourse of patriarchy work upon the subjectivity of women as they struggle with what it means to be teacher/woman. The authors then partially deconstruct these discourses, considering implications for teacher educators.  相似文献   

6.
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), a set of US higher education institutions historically tasked with educating African–American students, receive both state and federal funding. However, state governments often assert operational control through the political process, potentially influencing how key resources are used. Do these different sources of publicness have competing effects on efficiency? Using a 5-year panel of financial and organisational data of HBCUs, this study explores the relative effect of each of these revenue sources on efficiency. The study finds that the efficiency of HBCUs is negatively impacted by higher proportions of state revenue, and that higher proportions of federal revenue have a positive effect on efficiency. This suggests that state governments should consider their political roles in assessing the performance of HBCUs, and that HBCUs might look to lessons from other organisations for methods to reduce the impact of state external control.  相似文献   

7.
ABSTRACT

Through an analysis of anti-suffrage arguments, I identify white supremacist tropes as an important strand in woman suffrage debates. I argue that sexualization and themes of home were signals to racial bias, and American womanhood was used as a rhetorical resource in struggles over race and national identity. As we celebrate the centennial of woman suffrage, it is vital to recognize how debates over women in national space participate in white supremacist logics.  相似文献   

8.
ABSTRACT

This essay examines how the 1977 International Women’s Year Conference (IWY), a historic gathering of women in Houston, Texas—tasked to put forward a series of policy recommendations, many informed by a feminist perspective—undercut its own intersectional impulse by leveraging collective memory of U.S. suffrage activism. I analyze the conference program, a document distributed to every conference attendee, that called up early woman’s movement history and suffrage memory in its language, ephemera, and image to constitute a certain narrative for the 1977 IWY audience. I argue that by linking the IWY conference to a specific narrative of women’s rights and suffrage activism, the planners made the conference more explicitly political and feminist, and imbued the event with historical significance and legitimacy. At the same time, the deployment of suffrage memory ultimately positioned white women as mobile and engaged in social movement while effacing Black women and women of color who had been involved in suffrage activism, thus rendering them immobile, invisible, silent, and locked in the past. I conclude by examining a concurrent counter-narrative, one not included in the program, as a productive, intersectional rupture in suffrage memory at IWY.  相似文献   

9.
This article reports on findings from a sociolinguistic qualitative study exploring inter-discursive relations manifested in the approaches and strategies that regional accrediting agencies in the United States utilise when recognising foreign universities. Even as most countries have developed national quality assurance systems and whilst international rankings comparing institutions globally are available, a growing number of universities around the world seek recognition from American regional agencies. By comparing policy statements, manuals, guidelines and other documents, and after interviewing top-level officers at US accrediting agencies, this study makes explicit the assumptions and central discourses associated with US accreditation of non-US institutions of higher education, from the accreditors’ perspective. Following constant comparison and cultural critical discourse analysis, the study reveals concerns about the equivalency of quality, emphasis on capacity building and reluctance toward adapting US standards. An interest in building international partnerships, in order to respond to globalisation, is also identified.  相似文献   

10.
美国早期禁毒立法中联邦权力问题评析   总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1  
由于宪法所赋予的州权具有特殊且独立的特点,在早期美国联邦禁毒法的立法过程中,为了便于法案在国会上顺利通过,法案制定者多以征税之类的宪法所赋予的联邦权力来掩饰其行使地方治安权之嫌。出于推动早期禁毒法案通过的需要,涉及歧视及夸张失实的宣传手段在立法过程中也屡见不鲜。美国联邦体制的权力分配问题是美国毒品祸害屡禁不止的一个重要因素。  相似文献   

11.
Educational leadership: an Islamic perspective   总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2  
Ethnocentric concepts, theories and practices in education, predominantly embedded in western philosophy and values, tend to ignore the growing multicultural nature of educational institutions. This article draws attention to the knowledge gap in mainstream literature regarding diverse perspectives of educational leadership—an issue which is foreseen as gaining higher significance with the fast‐changing societal structures in Britain. Having worked as a Muslim woman educational leader/manager in higher education in an Islamic state for more than two decades, and now working at a British university, positioned as a non‐White woman Muslim, the author endorses the need to move beyond ethnocentrisms and to work towards developing complex theoretical constructs to reconceptualise educational leadership, drawing from perspectives held by diverse ethnic groups—students and communities. How learners from diverse philosophical and ethnic backgrounds conceive and perceive educational leadership, and how they receive it, is bound to interact with their learning experience and performance. This article briefly introduces leadership as a concept formulated in context. It presents philosophical and theoretical underpinnings of these conceptualisations from an Islamic perspective, and highlights the interplay between knowledge and leadership. The article deliberates how these discourses interact to formulate ‘educational leadership’ in Muslim societies, and explores the implications of these constructions with a focus on the British context, where Muslims are in a minority, pointing to the significance of understanding philosophical diversity for embracing population diversity.  相似文献   

12.
Summary and conclusions Suffering intensely from lack of funds for construction of trans mission facilities and under heavy criticism from commercial broadcasters, industry, some federal agencies, and other opponents of ETV expansion for their slow activation of educationally reserved channels, proponents of the ETV movement turned to Congress for help. In 1956, the idea of federal aid to ETV took specific shape with Leonard H. Marks, a Washington communications attorney, Senator Warren Magnuson, and those within the ranks of various educational institutions. Although under constant pressure from the U. S. Office of Education, the NAEB, the NEA, and other educational organizations and citizens who contributed long hours of testimony to show the need for federal assistance to ETV, Congress—especially the House of Representativeswas not altogether willing to enact legislation which would give the federal government even the slightest excuse for becoming involved in what was considered by many to be a state problem. Nevertheless, after considerable testimony and debate, including the addition of a strong “no Federal control” clause, Congress approved a modified version of Magnuson’s original bill; and what has proved to be the most significant development in educational television since the Sixth Report and Order of 1952, Public Law 87–447 provided $32 million for the construction of ETV facilities. Through the efforts of men like Marks, Magnuson, Roberts, and others of the Congress; of organizations such as the NAEB, the NEA, and the U. S. Office of Education; and because of the willingness of the American public to accept promising educational innovation at a time when it was most urgently needed—and via the controversial federal pursestrings, at that—ETV was probably snatched from the jaws of disaster. But now, for better or worse, it is with us to stay—a giant among the new educational technology of the twentieth century.  相似文献   

13.
The Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the U.S. Senate began a series of hearings in 1990 that uncovered an alarming pattern of waste, fraud, and abuse in the Title IV federal student aid programs. To create a stronger and more coordinated evaluation of institutions desiring to participate in these programs, Congress enacted the new Program Integrity Triad, which significantly increases the gatekeep‐ing functions of each member of the triad and establishes a specific set of responsibilities for accrediting agencies, the states, and the Secretary of Education. Under this program, states are directed to set up agencies known as State Postsecondary Review Entities (SPRE) to assist the U.S. Department of Education in reviewing institutions of higher education referred by the Secretary to determine continued participation in federal financial aid programs. The diverse ways in which students use community colleges will make it difficult, at best, to apply the quantifiable standards for withdrawal, graduation, and placement rates established by the SPRE program. The result could have serious implications for community colleges and their continued participation in Title IV federal student aid programs.  相似文献   

14.
This article examines federal student financial aid, with an emphasis on direct grant aid programs to serve needy students attending community colleges. It describes the economic, historical, and political assumptions and incentives to show how public community colleges and their students have been impacted by federal and state direct student aid policies. The article then presents recent data regarding how economic incentives inherent in federal and state direct student aid policies impact public community colleges and their students when compared to other types of institutions of postsecondary education. Data presented show that lower-income students attending public community colleges were likely to receive less direct grant aid from federal and state sources than those attending for-profit proprietary two-year institutions.  相似文献   

15.
20世纪五六十年代是美国大学扩张的重要时期,美国高等教育走向大众化。在规模不断扩大的同时,美国大学的使命发生了重大变化——社会服务职能的地位日渐显耀。大学与社会的联系愈加紧密,成为美国社会系统中一种不可或缺的重要机构。而联邦政府与大学之间连结的形成成为该时期大学发展的重要特征。大学使命的变化带来了大学教师职业环境与职业责任的变迁,在教学与科研之外,社会服务责任日渐增多,并且影响着两种传统职业责任的完成。然而,不论大学发展到何种程度,教学与科研都是大学的立身之本,是大学教师不能忽视的职业责任的重心。  相似文献   

16.
A task force of distinguished engineering educators and industrialists appointed by the American Society for Engineering Education Board of Directors, after reviewing recent major reports on engineering education, identified eight recommend-ations that the committee considered to be of the highest priority for the United States. The recommendations relate to topics such as undergraduate curricula, the teaching of design and manufacturing, practice-oriented advanced degree programs, faculty recruit-ment, and career-long education for engineers. The report has been very widely quoted in reports, including those issued by federal agencies, the Congress, and academic institutions. A recent review indicates that significant actions on nearly all the recommend-ations are currently under way.  相似文献   

17.
Over the last decade education in the United States has undergone perhaps its most significant transformation. Where in the past public schools have been primarily under the control of the local community, control has shifted to the state and federal levels. Furthermore, state and federal governments have introduced standardized testing and accountability as a means to hold teachers and students responsible. These reforms have been successfully introduced because reform proponents have provided three principal rationales for the reforms: they are necessary within an increasingly globalized economy, they will reduce educational inequality and they will increase assessment objectivity. After describing the reforms implemented in New York and Texas and by the federal government through the ‘No Child Left Behind’ Act, the author discusses a range of evidence that the reforms have not achieved their ostensible goals and that resistance to the reforms is beginning to emerge from US educators and citizens.  相似文献   

18.
The theory of academic capitalism is used to explore US and EU marketization trajectories. Comparisons are made along the following dimensions: creation and expansion of intermediating organizations external to universities that promote closer relations between universities and markets; interstitial organizations that emerge from within universities that intersect various market oriented projects; narratives, discourses and social technologies that promote marketization and competition; expanded managerial capacity; new funding streams for research and programs close to the market; and new circuits of knowledge that move away from peer review and professional judgment as arbiters of excellence. We also consider the status of fields not closely integrated with external markets, and see fragmentation of the humanities, fine arts and (some) social sciences to be a sign of research universities marketization. We conclude that the US and EU are following very different paths to bring higher education closer to the market. The US move to the market was incremental and frequently led by a wide variety of non-governmental organizations, often with strong ties to the for-profit sector and participation by segments of universities prior to federal legislation or mandates. The European Commission is reverse engineering Anglo-American higher education models to reconstruct technologies of governance in uniquely European contexts that embed competition in nation-state initiatives. Although the discourse surrounding university marketization promises growth of high paying jobs prosperity, evidence to date suggests very uneven results for both the US and EU.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

The function and meaning of voting can vary across political systems. Despite its diffusion as a norm alongside the global spread of political liberalism in the post-colonial period, women's franchise continues to expose key fault lines in the foundations of democratic theory. Recalling the Third Comintern's debates and activities in the aftermath of World War I, this paper explores how gender organized the left's critiques of bourgeois parliamentarism and its imperial tendencies in the early twentieth century. It draws particular attention to how, in the context of global anti-capitalist and anti-colonial struggles, the woman suffrage issue juxtaposed the promises and premises of bourgeois and proletarian internationalism, the democratic potential and limits of electoral systems and their political alternative, the soviet. From these experiences, this paper highlights the radical challenge that gender poses to the development of alternative democratic imaginations.  相似文献   

20.
Plagiarism is a concept that is difficult to define. Although most higher education institutions have policies aimed at minimising and addressing student plagiarism, little research has examined the ways in which plagiarism is discursively constructed in university policy documents, or the connections and disconnections between institutional and student understandings of plagiarism in higher education. This article reports on a study that explored students’ understandings of plagiarism in relation to institutional plagiarism discourses at a New Zealand university. The qualitative study involved interviews with 21 undergraduate students, and analysis of University plagiarism policy documents. The University policy documents revealed moral and regulatory discourses. In the interviews, students predominantly drew on ethico-legal discourses, which reflected the discourses in the policy documents. However, the students also drew on (un)fairness discourses, confusion discourses, and, to a lesser extent, learning discourses. Notably, learning discourses were absent in the University policy. Our findings revealed tensions between the ways plagiarism was framed in institutional policy documents, and students’ understandings of plagiarism and academic writing. We suggest that, in order to support students’ acquisition of academic writing skills, plagiarism should be framed in relation to ‘learning to write’, rather than as a moral issue.  相似文献   

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