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1.
An introduction     
Abstract

Political and historical thoughts pertaining to “modern Malaya” and Malaysia are phenomena of the emerging modern era characterized by the stirrings and the rise of nationalism in Southeast Asia since the early twentieth century. One of the most compelling ideas in envisioning the nation and fighting for independence then was Melayu Raya, articulated by a group of visionary leaders of socio-political movements who professed to fight for the creation of a political entity, a new independent “nation.” Using the history of ideas approach, this article argues that nations are envisioned, and that we need to contextualize the discussion within what has been termed as “Malay world,” the old kingdoms in the region, and the subsequent struggles against colonial powers and the “nationalist” projects for independence. To help understand this background, the article uses the concept of “culture zone” as used by Fernand Braudel in his study of civilizations. This article examines the debate on the “Malay world” and Melayu Raya, and also the post-Second World War envisioning of the nation and the approaches taken by various groups to fight against British colonialism and for independence. Despite almost six decades of independence, some of these ideas keep returning, resonating with some aspects of the present in today's Malaysia. In the course of this article, a brief reference to the history of ideas and the idea of history is made.  相似文献   

2.
Les études hispano‐musulmanes connurent leur essor en France dès la première partie du XXe siècle graâce à l'?uvre magistrale d'Evariste Lévi‐Provençal. L'histoire de l'Espagne musulmane de 710 à 1031, fondée sur une profonde connaissance des sources arabes et de l'Islam d'Espagne, fut suivie par de brillantes études sur la civilisation d'al‐Andalus et par de précieuses éditions de textes arabes médiévaux. L'archéologie et l'histoire de l'art hispano‐musulman doivent beaucoup aux remarquables érudits que furent Georges Marçais, Elie Lambert et Henri Terrasse dont le fils, Michel Terrasse, poursuit les travaux à l'heure actuelle. Dès 1959, Rachel Arié s'est consacrée à l'Espagne musulmane au temps des Narides (1232–1492) ; elle a publié à Barcelone en 1982 une étude d'ensemble sur l'Espagne musulmane du VIIIe siècle au XVe siècle. En outre, cinq ouvrages sur al‐Andalus, de nombreux articles, plusieurs communications de congrès ont illustré son activité d'arabisante et d'historienne. L'arabe hispanique a suscité des recherches lexicographiques au sein d'une équipe du CNRS depuis 1979. L'intérêt pour la pensée spéculative andalouse a été mis en lumière depuis 1956 par Roger Arnaldez et à partir de 1972 par Dominique Urvoy. Marie‐Thérèse Urvoy s'est penchée sur la question des Mozarabes. La poésie andalouse en arabe classique au XIe siècle qui avait retenu l'attention d'Henri Pérès dès 1937 a fait l'objet de plusieurs articles dans la seconde édition de l'Islam depuis 1954. La participation française dans le domaine de l'Espagne musulmane s'est avérée notable dans ce monument d'érudition.  相似文献   

3.
Abstract

Using a brief comment by Lu Xun regarding the thriving café culture in 1920s’ Shanghai as a point of departure, this paper investigates how the male intellectuals of the time constructed, affiliated with, and practiced the café culture in the 1920s and 1930s. The paper first provides a historical overview of Shanghai’s café scene, and it investigates the general relationship between coffee and colonialism. The main body of the paper explores how Shanghai’s café culture in the Republican period was constructed in connection with male subjectivity. The paper demonstrates that the café as a gathering site was attractive to the young and educated male urbanites because it provided them a strong sense of community, based on the mutually conditioning homosocial bonding and heterosexual impulses, where they could socialize among themselves and flirt with the waitresses. It was the maleness of the café that allowed the place to embrace the seemingly opposed discourses of consumerism and revolution – the two major components of China’s cultural modernity. The paper ends with Michel de Certeua’s analysis of the ‘habitable,’ and it demonstrates that the Shanghai café is habitable to male intellectuals because it both promises and rejects the consummation of the libido, in the same way as it promises and rejects modernity.  相似文献   

4.
Abstract

This article opens up the question of modernity in relation to Yan’an woodcuts by recounting the Matisse debate among artists in Yan’an circa 1942, during the War of Resistance against Japanese occupation. Yan’an woodcuts did not move in a direction akin to the stylistic reform engaged by Western modernism; instead they pushed modern Chinese woodcuts to develop according to the requirements of ‘national form.’ Yan’an woodcut artists’ exploration of ‘national form’ involved a synthesis of folk aesthetics and woodcut techniques with the creation of modern‐style woodcuts, and a synthesis of revolutionary content with the artistic expression of national form. In this way a new kind of artistic ideal was realized. Compared with contemporary artistic questions in the West, the formal questions of Chinese revolutionary art surpassed the artistic as such to support rich social content and revolutionary discourse. The establishment of national language in art accords with the desire and imagination to construct of a new kind of modern nation‐state.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract

By looking at Muhammdiyah's educational programme and examining the discourse of its thinkers concerning modern conditions, this paper explores the ways in which this modernist Islamic movement deals with modernity. The different curricula that Muhammadiyah schools and colleges adopt reflect the tension of its efforts of reconciling religious requirements with those of modernity. The need to prepare students for life in modern times has led Muhammadiyah schools and universities to emphasize the teaching of modern general knowledge and skills, often at the expense of religious subjects. The difficulties of reconciling Islam and modern science, as well as making Islam remain a viable system of values in the midst of industrialization, however, has become a source of energy for Muhammadiyah thinkers to keep searching for new formulations. The fact that the public sphere seems to need an even greater dosage of infusion of Islamic values as Indonesia industrializes and modernizes itself does not discourage them. Their debate indicates a critical understanding of modernity and the challenges and opportunities it offers Muhammadiyah in 21st century Indonesia. Their disagreements show unresolved difficulties as to how modernism and Islam can be fused. They also show, however, a confidence that Islam can be a basis to think of ways of how to confront and shape modernity in Islamic terms.  相似文献   

6.
ABSTRACT

The formulation of cultural policies in the Anglophone Caribbean constantly straddles the demands of global, regional and national imperatives as a function of its position as a region of post-colonial, small-island states. This paper will argue that the role these factors play in the art of policy making problematises conventions in the current global/local (glocal) debate circulating in the arena of Cultural Policy Studies. The paper shows that cultural policy making in the Caribbean constitutes a mélange of approaches that are in a constant state of contestation during the policy-making process. It employs content analysis of cultural policy texts from selected Caribbean states, as well as an analysis of stakeholder views from the national cultural policy consultations in Trinidad and Tobago to derive its findings. A Five Factor framework was developed to illustrate the range of responses that guide and shape local actors and activities in the national cultural policy domain. The research concludes that the relationship between the national and local (nocal) actors has to be re-imagined if cultural policy is to deliver on its promise of social transformation in the Caribbean.  相似文献   

7.
ABSTRACT

This article tracks the development of French social history from its Labroussian origins through to the uncertainties that beset the subject in the 1970s and 1980s, and the call for a tournant critique (‘critical turning point’) in response to the conceptual challenges to its traditional methodological approaches. It then describes the responses that emerged in the wake of the tournant critique, as social historians attempted to renew their field. Instead of pursuing the debate about whether ‘class' or ‘order’ was a more useful category of analysis for early modern historians, French social historians have attempted, like their colleagues in the social sciences, to make the individual rather than collectivities the central focus of their research. The article outlines three approaches which try to capture the agency of individuals: prosopography, micro-history, and network analysis. Finally, the article makes the case that longitudinal studies can provide a means through which social history's traditional concerns with explaining the ‘social’ can be met whilst not losing sight of the exciting questions posed by cultural history in the last two decades.  相似文献   

8.
Introduction Since Hans Eberhard Mayer published his Geschichte der Kreuzzüge in 1965 in which he called for a definition of the concept of crusade the issue has been much debated. I was not personally present at the first conference of The Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East that was held in Cardiff in 1983, but according to one eye-witness account the issue was “hotly debated”, and has indeed continued to be so. Central to the discussion has been the question of whether or not crusades only went to the Holy Land or should the term be more generally applied to all papally proclaimed wars, that is between a traditionalist view and a pluralist view. Recently the debate has taken a d0ifferent turn and it has increasingly become a debate about whether the definitions given by modern historians are at all congruous to the medieval phenomenon. In the twelfth century at least there did not exist a term that is congruous to the modern construct of crusade and as John Gilchrist has pointed out, the elements that we are told constituted a crusade – indulgence, pilgrimage, the vow, the remission of sin, an enemy defined by the church – are absent from the canonical collections of the twelfth century. I would not like to say if this modern construct has become “tyrannical”, but it has led at least one English historian, Christopher Tyerman, to ask the question: “Were there any crusades in the twelfth century?” and then conclude in the negative. His conclusions are in fact parallel to the conclusions reached within the study of feudalism, where it has been argued that the concept of feudalism was “invented” by lawyers at the end of the twelfth century under the influence of new-style bureaucratic governments. Historians of the twentieth century, it is possible to argue, used the legal definitions that emerged towards the end of the twelfth century to create the modern concept of crusade. It is, however, obvious from the contemporary sources that people believed that something new was initiated by Urban II (1088–1099) at the council of Clermont in 1095. It is also apparent that the call to arms against the infidels made by Urban II contained some sort of institutional characteristic in the form of new privileges granted to people who wanted to embark upon the expedition to the Holy Land. This, I believe, should be ample reason for us, as historians, to use a word like crusade. But the main conclusion we have to draw from the work of Christopher Tyerman, I think, is to keep in mind that it is not possible to create a matrix of a crusade that applies to the whole crusading period: “The crusade cannot be adequately defined in its own terms because it only existed in relation to the dictates of its shifting western context”.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract

This article considers the effects of work in the south Wales coal industry either side of the turn of the twentieth century and, specifically, the ways in which work aged workers prematurely. It examines the consequences of working practices for miners’ bodies, the expedients utilized by miners to try and cope with the effects of premature ageing, and the consequences for their living standards, experiences and status. It situates these phenomena in the contexts of industrial relations and welfare provision. In so doing, the article engages with historiographies of the life-cycle, the aged, and pensions provision in modern Britain.  相似文献   

10.
Abstract

The ‘Wild Lily’ student sit‐in in March 1990 was often praised in the later political transformation process as a crucial moment when the ‘pure and innocent’ students facilitated democratization in Taiwan. From the perspective of a participant in the protest, the author argues that the sit‐in was actually a failure of the ‘popular democratic’ wing of Taiwan's student movement in the 1980s, which championed a more radical vision of democracy. The idea of ‘popular democracy’ was an anti‐elitist ideology arising from critiques on the elite‐led political reform movement. However, due to its historical constraint, practices along this line were unable to alter the bourgeois democratic character of 1980s' democratization process in Taiwan.  相似文献   

11.
1. Les alentours de la Grande Mosquée de Cordoue aux IVe/Xe et Ve/XIe siècles De la même façon que la cathédrale dans les villes chrétiennes, la mosquée principale était le c?ur d'une ville musulmane médiévale. Toute la population de Cordoue assistait à la prière communautaire du vendredi dans la grande mosquée, al-masjid al-ja¯mi‘. Le sermon (khut&dotu;ba) de ce jour-là contenait des appels religieux, politiques et des annonces de tous genres. Mais la mosquée principale servait aussi à d'autres actes publics, comme la proclamation et la soumission du peuple au nouvel émir ou encore la cérémonie de remise des fanions de l'armée quand elle partait en campagne. En outre, la cour de justice et les activités d'enseignement supérieur siégeaient au sein de la mosquée. En fait c'était le centre religieux, politique, social et culturel de la ville (Figure 1).  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

This paper will describe the insights we gained from the political, organizational or theoretical questions that were raised within Korea’s history of movements after the Kwangju Uprising in 1980. I will begin with the gains from the so‐called ‘debate on Social Formation’ in the 1980s and briefly introduce the fundamental questions on ‘modernity’ and some scholarships on the related issues through the dilemma and paradoxes Marxism was faced with after the collapse of socialism in 1990 and 1991. This paper will discuss the problems that members of the intellectual commune, Research Machine ‘Suyu+Trans’, dealt with in an attempt to practice new ways of life regarding the points at which Marxism and modernity were intertwined. I will then present the questions and concepts of Commune‐ism that replaced Communism, along with the theoretical resources that are called in to deal with them; and through this, a project that could reconfigure Marxism.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

In the modern world, glass windows are considered an indispensable element of the built environment. Throughout premodern times, however, glass was not universally used in European architecture. This article argues that the rise of glass in Western architecture was neither an inevitable nor a linear process, but rather a response to certain social, cultural and environmental factors that gained increasing relevance from the late medieval period onwards. In other words, glass windows are a cultural convention, reflecting some of the wide-ranging and transformative challenges that Europeans faced in the late medieval and early modern period.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

The historiography of pre-modern popular uprisings tends to ascribe a religiose ‘naïveté’ to earlier revolts, placing religion as innately antithetical to popular politics. This article challenges that opposition, and argues that whilst (as Sam Cohn has recently demonstrated) medieval revolts were not by any means all ‘religious' in outlook, leadership or inspiration, those which did involve religious elements can be read more sympathetically and with greater nuance. Focusing particularly on structural similarities between the Drummer of Niklashausen (1476) and the Capuciati (1183), the article argues that longue durée forms of revolt persist, driven by a plebeian reappropriation of certain elements in orthodox religion.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

The period between 1950 and 1975 marked a dramatic shift in food retailing in Britain with the introduction of self-service stores and supermarkets. It also witnessed a significant rise in shoplifting, which many contemporary observers blamed on the introduction of self-service retailing. Using material from the retail trade press, newspaper reports, contemporary academic and marketing studies, and the publications of consumer associations, this article reflects on the fractured nature of the public discourse surrounding shoplifting in the early post-war period and looks at the factors that made self-service food retailing such a potentially problematic innovation. We argue that an ambivalence arose because shoplifting was regarded as a ‘housewives' crime’, and because of some of the specific characteristics of the self-service innovation. The introduction of self-service retailing not only fundamentally altered the relationship between consumers and retailers, and between consumers and goods, but had the effect of throwing into question existing definitions and perceptions of consumer crime. This article will show that there was considerable public debate and disagreement over who was to blame for the sudden surge in the crime, over what could be done to prevent it, and over how to treat those accused and convicted of shoplifting. Some of the ambiguities in public responses to shoplifting evident in our period were witnessed in the earlier experiences of the nineteenth-century department store. Then, as in the 1950s, public debate on the causes of shoplifting occurred within the context of broader critiques of consumerism.  相似文献   

16.
ABSTRACT

The desirability of peace was a common topos in sixteenth-century political rhetoric, and the duty of the king to uphold the peace for the benefit of his subjects was also a long-established tradition. However, the peculiar circumstances of the French religious wars, and the preferred royal policy of pacification, galvanized impassioned debate among both those who supported and those who opposed confessional coexistence. This article looks at the diverse ways in which peace was viewed during the religious wars through an exploration of language and context. It draws not only on the pronouncements of the crown and its officials, and of poets and jurists, but also on those of local communities and confessional groups. Opinion was not just divided along religious lines; political imperatives, philosophical positions and local conditions all came into play in the arguments deployed. The variegated languages of peace provide a social and cultural dimension for the contested nature of sixteenth-century French politics. However, they could not restore harmony to a war-torn and divided kingdom.  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT

The trial of Lady Chatterley's Lover in 1960 and its subsequent publishing success sparked intense debate at the time and have come to exemplify a clash of worlds, one Victorian, repressed, deferential, restricted by class assumptions and hopelessly out of touch, the other progressive, open, liberated and, above all, permissive, that most value-laden and controversial of terms. Yet examining popular responses to Lady Chatterley's Lover reveals complex attitudes and raises questions about the permissiveness of the 1960s.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

This article examines Korea’s politics of identity in the form of Asianism in the modern period, especially since Korea’s incorporation into the modern world system in the late nineteenth century. Asianism, and regionalism generally, has become a salient policy strategy for the current South Korean government. However, Asianism has been a primary ideological current in modern Korea whose most recent incarnation should be understood in the larger historical context. This study traces the development of Asianism in four different periods: precolonial, colonial, Cold War, and post‐Cold War. Initially emerging as a bulwark against Western encroachment, the Asianism narrative became irrelevant upon Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 and only survived as a discourse about a glorified cultural past during colonial rule. Upon liberation, Asianism rescinded as the Japan‐centered regional order was replaced by a new Cold War alignment, capitalist (Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan) versus communist (China and North Korea). Although discussion about Asianism and a new East Asian regional order have recently resurfaced, the historical legacy of colonialism, war, and national division has added much complexity to the debate. Explicating how the Asianism narrative emerged and evolved through these various historical contexts sheds light on the complexities and difficulties inherent in the current attempt to forge an Asian regional order. By looking at Asianism from a historical perspective, we can also better appreciate the continuity and discontinuity in Korea’s politics of identity. While it is still uncertain what the foundation of a new Asianism will be, it is equally obvious that regional interactions will continue to be an important part of the global world order. This study concludes with policy implications of how a historically sensitive understanding of the development of an Asian regional identity can further interaction and integration of East Asian nations.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

Primary nation-state formation took place in Europe between the 12th and 19th centuries, along with the emergence of a system of industry-based international relations. These processes kept mostly in step with changes in the cultural consciousnesses of their citizenries. The institutional pattern so produced was then imitated throughout the rest of world in more than 160 secondary nation-states. Unlike the primary nation-states, the secondary nation-states were declared into being overnight by political entrepreneurs concerned to ensure that their own territories could deal equally under international law with other such states. These rapid, externally generated processes generated a gap in consciousness between the statesmen and the rest of their populations that had to be closed before the secondary states could begin to fulfil their (mainly economic) international roles. The gap has been bridged by the deliberate engineering of concern for ethnic, gender, linguistic, class, cultural and religious “identity.” An abstract, outward-looking, gesellschaftlich mode of consciousness could now be taken for granted by the people as the unspoken terms on which they must live their lives. This process has been aided by the widespread employment of functionalist and systems-based approaches in the social sciences and humanities, which properly apply only to the nation-state. Consequently, a politically constructed institution has been made into the “natural” archetype against which all other phenomena are to be measured.  相似文献   

20.
ABSTRACT

Before the emergence of the modern sense of popular music in China, the uses of music in that country have been instrumental in serving political purposes for the state. The modern form of popular music began to enter China through Hong Kong and Taiwan – the two very political locales in which we could observe China’s political economy through the reception of their music in mainland China. How the Chinese authorities coped with the production, distribution and consumption of this ‘foreign’ popular music, is reflective of the swing of the pendulum between relaxation and control, and hence the changing ideologies of the state. Based on the cultural and institutional analysis on a few classical Chinese popular singers since the mid‐1980s, this paper illustrates such a transformation. The paper argues that the Chinese authorities have evolved from a dictatorial authority, which chose to control popular music by means of direct bans and censorship, to an active agent, through various strategies, managing and producing a kind of popular music that can be conducive to, and be resonant with, the national ideologies.  相似文献   

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