共查询到18条相似文献，搜索用时 156 毫秒
1.
民族国家是现代化的政治前提,主要表现在民族国家为现代化提供了必要的制度前提、强大的发展动力和稳定的秩序保障。民族国家的建构则需要民族认同为其提供共同体意识支撑和政治合法性证明。而民族认同的形塑离不开公民教育,民族认同教育也因此构成公民教育的重要维度。民族认同的培育主要通过与公民教育相关的学校学科课程、活动课程以及校外的各种活动等得以实现。 相似文献
2.
民主国家是现代化的政治前提。民主国家的建构离不开民主参与,即民主观念指导下的公民参与。其中,民主观念是民主国家建构的动力源,公民参与是民主国家建构的政治保障。而公民的民主观念和政治参与不是凭空出现的,二者与公民及其教育紧密相连,息息相关,并且需要公民教育的积极推动。可见,民主国家是考察现代化进程中公民教育功能的逻辑起点。 相似文献
3.
族际政治整合是多民族国家国家建构的重要议题。族际政治整合是各民族、各族群共同的政治与文化认同的形成过程,其核心是各民族成员对公民身份的认同,而公民身份认同的多层次性和多元性,决定了公民身份认同必须经由公民教育来实现。公民教育是关涉公民资格或公民身份的教育,是旨在促进国民形成公民身份认同的教育,其实质是培养合格公民或“好公民”的教育实践活动。对多民族国家而言,公民教育面临的内在张力,需要通过长期的探索和实践来解决,但不管怎样,强化各民族成员的公民教育,无疑是化解这些内在张力的基本方向。 相似文献
4.
多元文化社会已经成为当今世界各国普遍存在的社会现实。国家的公民构成多样化不断冲击着民族国家原本稳固的社会情感基础。这些文化群体在相互碰撞、融合过程中发生的冲突和对抗加剧了人们对于国家秩序和团结的担忧。在这样的国内外环境下,对于国家认同和归属的情感显得有些复杂。现代民族国家需要公民教育的整合功能,以强化公民的情感联结;现代民主国家需要公民教育的民主化功能,以实现公民素质和能力的提高。因此,现代国家必须找到一条与它们的新角色相一致的社会团结和凝聚的新途径和基础。多元文化主义思想在这种复杂的关系中发挥着作用。 相似文献
5.
现代国家建构中的非均衡性和自主性分析 总被引：35，自引：2，他引：35
徐勇 《华中师范大学学报(人文社会科学版)》2003,42(5):97-103
本文认为．现代国家的建构是一个民族一国家和民主一国家的双重化建构过程。但在中国，这一双重化的建构是不同步的。因此，在现代化进程中，除了民族一国家的建构．推进国家一体化以外，还要实现国家的转型，建构现代民主一国家，通过政治发展推进民主化。本文为此将政治发展的非均衡性和自主性引入当代中国政治的分析视野之内，并将其视为考察中国民主化进程的逻辑起点。 相似文献
6.
李默海 《五邑大学学报(社会科学版)》2007,9(3):5-8,29
国家构建过程就是现代民族国家的形成完善过程,现代民族国家的形成完善则是民主政治发展的前提和基础。西方民主政治建立于现代民族国家建构的基础之上,我国国家权力的民主化也需要民族国家形成的基础。现阶段,我国一些基本国家制度还没有建构好,过分强调国家权力民主化会导致社会政治的不稳定。 相似文献
7.
在美国现代化进程中,公民教育从建国时就成为一个国家问题并在其国家建构中始终占据着重要位置,无论在谋求社会统一方面还是在推进民主化进程方面都发挥着不可替代的作用。从国家建构与公民教育关系的角度,美国公民教育具有以下明显特征:一是不断演进的公民资格观是影响其公民教育的关键要素;二是对民族认同教育的重视和捍卫是其公民教育一以贯之的首要内容,且在现代化进程中居于绝对位置;三是对民主参与的积极培育是其公民教育长期坚持的重要目标,在其现代化进程中居于相对位置。 相似文献
8.
多民族国家内之民族认同与国家认同,既有紧张冲突的一面又有共生一致之处。实现从民族认同到国家认同的转向,对统一国家安全和社会稳定有着重要意义。观乎从民族认同到国家认同的相关理论与实践路径,主要有强制同化、基于文化多元理论的认同整合、由建构"国家民族"认同而至民族国家认同、由"公民身份"而实现两种认同的"统一"等。实际上,关于国家认同的建构与强化,不同国家在不同时期,应依具体社会政治和民族文化情境来展开。 相似文献
9.
民族性与民主性:两种维度的国家认同教育及其关系 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
现代意义上的国家是"民族"与"国家"的融合体。民族意义上的国家认同和政治意义上的国家认同是现代国家认同教育的两个基本维度。前者以民族历史、文化、语言认同为核心,涉及共同血缘、地域、历史等文化价值维度的认同教育,后者以宪法认同为核心,涉及人权、民主、法制等共同政治价值维度的认同教育。两者共存于国家认同教育的建构过程,不是非此即彼,而是良性互动,应有机地统一起来。超越狭隘的民族主义爱国走向宪法爱国是时代发展趋势,民族品格的塑造和民族精神的培育仍然是当代公民教育的重要使命。现代公民教育在两者张力之间培养既有民族品格和民族性精神,又具有现代民主意识的理性爱国公民。 相似文献
10.
国家认同的培养在多元文化背景下愈发具有必要性和紧迫性。在政治不断现代化、民主化的当今时代,培养具有权责意识、主体意识的公民,成为公民教育的重要任务,国家认同的培养亦需公民教育来达成。在多元文化的背景下,公民教育一方面需要开放、包容的精神,一方面需要在对话协商的方式上建构理性和民主的国家认同。 相似文献
11.
战后日本现代化进程中的学校公民教育 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
公民教育在战后日本越来越受到重视,并且随现代化的进展而呈现出阶段性特征。在战后改革时期,公民教育的重点放在民主主义价值上,其目标是培养“有为的民主社会人”;在经济高速增长时期,公民教育的重点放在民族主义价值上,以培养“国家公民”为目标,强调国家意识和为国效力的精神;在成熟化社会时期,公民教育的目标定位于培养驰骋于世界的具有主体性的日本人。尽管战后日本公民教育与其现代化建设基本适应,但是改善的余地仍然很大。 相似文献
12.
Ivan Luk&#x;ik 《European Journal of Education》2019,54(3):457-470
Decreasing levels of civic participation and political engagement are generating an interest in citizenship and citizenship education. New forms of citizenship education which go beyond traditional instruction on political institutions are being sought, such as “democratic citizenship education”, “education of, for and through democracy” and “teaching democracy”. One area which has been little investigated is primary school teachers and citizenship education. This article reports on questionnaire‐based research among Slovak teachers that shows great variety in the focus of citizenship education. Teachers emphasised national pride as well as multicultural, global, regional and human rights aspects and the common good of an entity. The connections between teacher focus on citizenship education, the curricular framework, models of citizenship education and generational differences are all discussed. 相似文献
13.
晚清时期修身教科书在民国以后向公民教科书的转换，是展现中国国民教育近代化历程的生动模本。修身教科书在内容上包含了以孝为首的纲常伦理观念、个人修养教育和国家社会观念的灌输，开启了近代国民教育的第一步。到20世纪20年代末“公民”教育代之而起。由于中国特殊历史时期政治化的影响，公民教育更多地表现出了政党色彩和历史局限性。即使如此，它对国民教育和政治教育的近代化仍然具有重要的启发意义。 相似文献
14.
CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION AND YOUTH PARTICIPATION IN DEMOCRACY 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
ABSTRACT: Citizenship education in established democracies is challenged by declining youth participation in democracy. Youth disenchantment and disengagement in democracy is primarily evident in formal political behaviour, especially through voting, declining membership of political parties, assisting at elections, contacting politicians, and the like. If citizenship education is to play a major role in addressing these concerns it will need to review the impact it is making on young people in schools.
This paper reviews a major national project on youth participation in democracy in Australia set in the context of a national citizenship education programme. The Youth Electoral Study found that citizenship education in Australian schools has at best been marginally successful and substantially more is required to raise levels of democratic engagement. The paper explores many opportunities available to education systems and schools to address these issues through reconceptualising aspects of the formal and the informal curriculum. 相似文献
This paper reviews a major national project on youth participation in democracy in Australia set in the context of a national citizenship education programme. The Youth Electoral Study found that citizenship education in Australian schools has at best been marginally successful and substantially more is required to raise levels of democratic engagement. The paper explores many opportunities available to education systems and schools to address these issues through reconceptualising aspects of the formal and the informal curriculum. 相似文献
15.
Audrey Osler 《Cambridge Journal of Education》1998,28(1):77-96
Member states of the Council of Europe have acknowledged the importance of education for citizenship and have passed a number of resolutions concerning European citizenship and the need to promote democratic values, social justice and human rights. Yet there remains a degree of ambivalence over citizenship education and its relationship to the development of various identities, including personal and national identities. This paper examines the experiences of student teachers from a variety of European countries and the impact of a period of study abroad in another European country on their development of intercultural awareness, national identities and perceptions of how we might best educate young people for participation in democratic life. It considers the implications for teacher education. 相似文献
16.
In this article we address the issue of why democratic citizenship education should be incorporated more meaningfully into Islamic education discourses in formal institutions in the Arab and Muslim world. In the Arab and Muslim world civic and national education seem to be the dominant discourses. We argue that the latter discourses are inadequate to address some of the dystopias in the Arab and Muslim world such as the perpetuation of patriarchy, uncritical obedience to the state (often dictatorships), and blind patriotism. Consequently we posit that unless a culture of acceptance and hospitality (i.e. cosmopolitanism) is cultivated at Islamic educational institutions the possibility of democratic citizenship education unfolding is quite remote. That is, the future of Islamic education can only be re‐envisioned if an amended version of democratic citizenship education can inform Islamic education discourses in institutions—one constituted by a culture of acceptance and hospitality. 相似文献
17.
Globalization and neoliberal practices have influenced leadership in education in various ways, including through curricula. One of the most vital sections in curricula is citizenship education. Supranational and international organizations, as well as governments, have advanced interest in elementary school, particularly kindergarten, curricula. This article sheds light on how leadership in democratic citizenship education influences kindergarten curricula in Ontario (Canada) and Hellas (Greece) as well as within a global context. The kindergarten education curricula of Ontario and Hellas are compared and supplementary reports published by supranational and international organizations are analysed in terms of democratic citizenship education, utilizing a critical pedagogic perspective through critical discourse analysis. Recommendations for future citizenship education and practices are provided. 相似文献
18.
R. J. K. Freathy 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(3):367-377
Participants in the public discourse pertaining to religious education and education for citizenship in English schools between 1934 and 1944 included many ‘Christian educationists’. They advocated a conservative and elitist form of education for citizenship as taught through indirect training, Arnoldian public school traditions and ecumenical, liberal Protestantism. This contrasted with the conception of education for citizenship promoted by the founder members of the Association for Education in Citizenship. They wanted pupils to be educated into a liberal, democratic and secular version of English citizenship by means of ‘progressive’ pedagogies and direct instruction. This article identifies the ecclesiastical and religious factors which preserved the Christian and traditional form of education for citizenship in English schools between 1934 and 1944. These factors included the revival of the Christian foundations of British national identity and citizenship, the development and acceptance of non‐denominational forms of Christian education, the increasingly positive response which an evermore coherent and professionalised cohort of Christian educationists received from the Board of Education and the Consultative Committee, and the political power of the Anglican Church within the dual system combined with the religious settlement agreed in the 1944 Education Act. 相似文献