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1.
Benjamin C. Duke 《International Review of Education/Internationale Zeitschrift für Erziehungswissenschaft/Revue internationale l'éducation》1983,29(1):47-58
A comparison between democratic education in Japan and America illustrates the divergent patterns in the interpretation of this concept which developed after the end of World War II. In accordance with the American ideal of ‘grassroots democracy’, the American school board system was introduced into Japan in order to transfer control of education from the central government to locally-elected bodies. However, by the end of the American Occupation, the school boards had become the center of a nationwide struggle between left and right ideological forces for the control of schools. From 1956 onward, major revisions were carried out by the Japanese Government whereby local control of education was taken over centrally by the Ministry of Education, who introduced a standardized curriculum and a list of ‘approved’ textbooks. The rationale behind the Japanese reforms of the American pattern derives from their interpretation of the constitutional provision that ‘all people shall have the right to receive an equal education’. Significantly, American courts have increasingly tended to follow the Japanese understanding in recent years. There are multiple paths to democratic education. 相似文献
2.
Chris Burgess 《Globalisation, Societies & Education》2015,13(4):487-507
In Japan in recent years, there has been much discussion of the need for global human resources alongside criticism of Japanese youth as having an ‘inward-looking’ (uchimuki) orientation. Drawing out the contradictions apparent in a youth apparently reluctant to leave Japan and companies, universitiesand government seemingly desperate to nurture and attract global talent, this paper frames the uchimuki discourse as a cover for an insular Japan and its failure to attract and foster ‘global human resources’.As such, the two discourses shed a great deal of light on Japan's complex relationship with globalisation. 相似文献
3.
《International Journal of Educational Research》2002,37(6-7):603-622
In recent years, there has been a good deal of media and academic interest in the ways in which Japanese history textbooks represent Japan's wartime past. However, the discussion has tended to revolve primarily around a number of symbolic textbook issues, such as government censorship of the term ‘aggression,’ without much consideration of divisions and conflict within the state and the ruling bloc itself. Consequently, no real analysis has emerged concerning the ways in which right-wing nationalist elements have exploited the textbook issue with the aim of reinforcing their political and cultural dominance over contemporary Japan.This article presents the Japanese history textbook controversy as an ongoing cultural and political struggle. It attempts to understand the process of the textbook struggle historically, and the relations between political parties and actors, the state bureaucracy, and right-wing nationalists. In particular, the study examines the ways in which the power of right-wing nationalism has been appropriated and negotiated by the leaders and members of the Liberal Democratic Party and bureaucrats in the Ministry of Education. It also looks at the ways in which such power has been resisted by textbook authors, educators, and certain segments of public opinion. 相似文献
4.
论影响日本教育政策的因素 总被引：6，自引：0，他引：6
日本战后教育政策的形成受到多方面因素的影响。自民党的一党执政对教育政策的形成起着决定性作用；文部省通过与自民党的合作与妥协在教育政策制订过程中发挥着重要作用；财界和产业界的教育要求通过国家权力的媒介也反映到教育政策中来；作为最重要的反对力量，日本教师工会在地方教育政策的实施中所产生的影响远远大于中央教育决策中产生的影响。 相似文献
5.
Kazuko Otsu 《Asia Pacific Journal of Education》2000,20(1):53-62
Civics and Social Studies are subjects the Japanese Ministry of Education has designated for civics education in schools. The ‘Courses of Study’ for these subjects, drawn up by the Ministry of Education, list the desired objectives and contents of all Civics‐related courses. The purpose of this article is to analyze the values promoted in the two levels of the civics education curriculum, namely the ‘Courses of Study’ and the approved textbooks. These are analyzed with reference to eight categories, which are: civic life, social cohesion/ diversity, democracy, fair government, economic life, self cultivation, national identity and internationalism. 相似文献
6.
Kaori Kitagawa 《International Journal of Lifelong Education》2016,35(6):629-647
Preparedness for disaster scenarios is progressively becoming an educational agenda for governments because of diversifying risks and threats worldwide. In disaster-prone Japan, disaster preparedness has been a prioritised national agenda, and preparedness education has been undertaken in both formal schooling and lifelong learning settings. This article examines the politics behind one prevailing policy discourse in the field of disaster preparedness referred to as ‘the four forms of aid’ – ‘kojo [public aid]’, ‘jijo [self-help]’, ‘gojo/kyojo [mutual aid]’. The study looks at the Japanese case, however, the significance is global, given that neo-liberal governments are increasingly having to deal with a range of disaster situations whether floods or terrorism, while implementing austerity measures. Drawing on the theory of the adaptiveness of neo-liberalism, the article sheds light on the hybridity of the current Abe government’s politics: a ‘dominant’ neo-liberal economic approach – public aid and self-help – and a ‘subordinate’ moral conservative agenda – mutual aid. It is argued that the four forms of aid are an effective ‘balancing act’, and that kyojo in particular is a powerful legitimator in the hybrid politics. The article concludes that a lifelong and life-wide preparedness model could be developed in Japan which has taken a social approach to lifelong learning. 相似文献
7.
日本民主党上台以来,其对外政策前后发生了较大的变化.起初鸠山政府致力于建立“紧密而对等的日美关系”,积极倡导“东亚共同体”,推行重视亚洲的外交.但这种富有理想主义色彩的寻求日美“对等”的外交努力,最终遭遇失败.菅直人上台后,开始推行“现实主义”的外交政策,重归对美“协调”路线,极力修复和深化日美同盟关系.野田当政后,走“彻底的现实主义”之路,称日美同盟是日本外交“基轴中的基轴”,进一步向重视日美同盟方向发展,并且“联美遏华”倾向明显.民主党主政下的日本外交未来走向值得关注. 相似文献
8.
Geoffrey J. Giles 《Higher Education》1978,7(2):131-156
The ability of the East German state to produce large cohorts of highly skilled graduates has contributed much to its becoming one of the leading industrial nations in the world. Originally reverting after the War to Länder control of the universities and colleges like the rest of Germany, the GDR soon went the opposite way from West Germany, seeing the way to a strong higher education system to be through the strict centralization of control. This article describes the three university reforms which have taken place and examines the implications of policy decisions. An investigation of the various organs of the government of higher education elucidates the disposition of authority at each level.Abbreviations FDGB
Freier Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (League of Free German Trades-Unions)
- FDJ
Freie Deutsche Jugend (Free German Youth)
- GDR
German Democratic Republik
- MHF
Ministerium für Hoch-und Fachschulwesen (Ministry for Higher and Vocational Education)
- SED
Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (Socialist Unity Party of Vocational)
- VVB
Vereinigung Volkseigener Betriebe (Association of Nationally Owned Enterpises)
This article was originally issued in the Yale Higher Education Research Group's Working Paper Series. The research for it was made possible by a grant from the Lilly Endowment. 相似文献
9.
This paper analyses recent educational reforms on teachers’ work in Sweden following the 2010 Education Act, and up to the School Commission Report released in April 2017. We draw upon key policy texts and associated documents from the Ministry of Education, and the Swedish National Agency for Education (Skolverket). We consider the background to the reforms, their relations with one another and how they have played out in the Swedish educational policy context. We argue that these reforms exhibit features of ‘fast policy’ in terms of how they have taken on an increasingly centralised and neoliberal character, and the rapid-fire way they have been directed at teachers as individuals, rather than broader schooling structures. We show how the fast policy reforms have recentralised schooling and teachers’ work—effectively de-professionalising educators. 相似文献
10.
Rahul Mukhopadhyay 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(3):306-321
This paper critically examines the ways in which inclusion and equity are constituted through education development policies in India. Programmes implemented under global and national Education for All (EFA) policies have largely involved the quantification of ‘equity’ whereby schooling processes are measured against broad targets for school outcomes – focused mainly on student attendance, retention and academic achievement. Drawing on perspectives from Actor Network Theory, the paper puts forward the view of development reforms as ‘networks of translation’ in order to trace the shifts and vicissitudes of educational ideals. Reporting on ethnographic data of two reforms in the south Indian state of Karnataka, we show how narrow understandings of equity are produced through target-driven approaches to EFA. In doing so, the paper highlights the performative effects of education development policy and its potentially counterproductive consequences in contexts of poverty and marginalisation. 相似文献
11.
《教育政策杂志》2012,27(1):119-144
ABSTRACTThe study presents a bibliometric network analysis of the two most recent schools reforms in Norway. Two research questions have been pursued: First, do the government-appointed expert commission use (in Green Papers) the same type of knowledge as ‘evidence’ for their reviews and recommendations as the Ministry of Education and Research (as reflected in the White Papers)? How has the use of ‘evidence’ changed over the two reform periods? Second, which body of knowledge amassed by the expert commission has the Ministry of Education and Science actually used for policy formulation? The network analysis shows (i) distinct changes in reference patterns over the two reform periods (e.g., average number of references more than doubled and references to international texts increased significantly), and (ii) an unexpectedly low usage of the ‘evidence’ presented by the expert commissions. The Ministry of Education and Research only draws on 9.5 percent of the references presented by the expert commissions. Strikingly, almost all of the adopted references are from a commissioned report that locally adapted and translated OECD’s Definitions and Selections of Competencies project. The authors suggest ‘studying up’ and paying more attention to how scientific ‘evidence’ is actually used, translated, and edited at the political level. 相似文献
12.
Andrew Wilkins 《Journal of educational administration and history》2017,49(2):171-185
For the past six years successive UK governments in England have introduced reforms intended to usher in less aggregated, top-down, bureaucratically overloaded models of service delivery. Yet the ‘hollowing out’ of local government has not resulted in less bureaucracy on the ground or less regulation from above, nor has it diminished hierarchy as an organising principle of education governance. Monopolies and monopolistic practices dominated by powerful bureaucracies and professional groups persist, albeit realised through the involvement of new actors and organisations from business and philanthropy. In this paper I adopt a governmentality perspective to explore the political significance of large multi-academy trusts (MATs) – private sponsors contracted by central government to run publicly funded schools – to the generation of new scalar hierarchies and accountability infrastructures that assist in bringing the gaze of government to bear upon the actions of schools that are otherwise less visible under local government management. 相似文献
13.
国家新奖助学金的特点与实施中存在问题的政策学分析 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
穆建亚 《南阳师范学院学报》2010,9(2):108-111
2007年6月,我国教育部、财政部联合下发了一系列文件,使我国的新奖助学金呈现出资助类型多、资助标准完善、中央与地方双重出资、助学金比重增大、民办高校纳入资助体系等特点,完善了我国大学生资助体系。但在具体实施过程当中,在政策方案、执行机构、目标群体、环境方面还存在一些问题,今后的改革也应从建立奖助学金运营机构、制定评价体系与监督机制、对学生进行奖助学金教育、建立系统化资助体系几个方面进行。 相似文献
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15.
按照中国教育部的《面向21世纪外语专业本科教育改革的若干意见》和教育部高等学校外语专业教育指导委员会日语组制定的出台《高等院校日语专业教育大纲》的精神,探讨广州地区日语人才如何适应现代化社会的需求,分析广州地区的产业特色及广州地区对日语人才需求状况,提出复合应用型日语人才的培养模式,明确日语专业教学在广州产业结构链中的意义和存在价值,以期为解决日语专业毕业生出路问题提供参考。 相似文献
16.
New Public Management in an age of austerity: knowledge and experience in further education 总被引：1，自引：1，他引：0
This article originates in a piece of educational research into the experiences of further education (FE) student teachers in the West Midlands region of England. This cohort of students experienced significant upheaval in their college workplaces and placements during the 2010/2011 academic year. Pressures on FE funding were exacerbated by a Comprehensive Spending Review by the coalition government in late 2010 – prompted by the on-going global economic crisis. Some of the repercussions of these funding cuts for staff and students in the sector are discussed in this article, as perceived by this cohort of student teachers working in a range of FE providers across the West Midlands. Many of these repercussions can broadly be seen as an extension of existing managerialist practices, as the justification for an increasing squeeze on local resource allocation continues to be a wider appeal to global market ‘realities’. But we theorise that new public management (NPM) plays an important role in a reductive kind of knowledge production for policy-makers which fuels and legitimises on-going policy intervention, and we see this as an important shaping force in the emerging professional identity of these new teachers. 相似文献
17.
职业型研究生院：日本21世纪高等教育新的战略选择 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
2003年日本文部科学省正式颁布了《职业型研究生院设置基准》,并从当年4月1日起实行之。此举,在日本高等教育发展史上是一项重大的改革。对这一文件出台背景的介绍、建立职业型研究生院的必要性的分析以及发展现状的描述,有助于我们了解这一文件的革新点,并参考借鉴日本职业型研究生院的发展经验。 相似文献
18.
Peter Cave 《比较教育学》2001,37(2):173-191
Despite overseas' observers praise for Japanese education over the last 20 years, within Japan the school system has become the focus of increasing discontent because of its supposed rigidity, uniformity, and exam-centredness. This discontent has given impetus to a series of educational reform proposals and policy measures during the late 1980s and 1990s. These reforms have gone under the slogan of 'stress on individuality' (kosei j shi), and are purportedly aimed at encouraging creativity by introducing more freedom and choice into the education system. However, critics have alleged that the emphasis on 'individuality' masks a neo liberal agenda driven by business demands. This article analyses the reform measures and the surrounding debate. It concludes that Japan's Ministry of Education remains cautious in its approach to reform. The main reform measures to date have favoured a progressive rather than a neoliberal direction. 相似文献
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20.
This article analyzes a recent initiative of Japan’s Ministry of Education, which aims to internationalize higher education in Japan. The large-investment project “Top Global University Project” (TGUP) has emerged to create globally oriented universities, to increase the role of foreign languages in higher education, and to foster global human resources. The TGUP identifies 37 universities: 13 as “top global universities” intended to compete in the top 100 university world rankings and 24 “global traction universities” intended to lead the internationalization of higher education in Japan. Despite the substantial funding behind this initiative, little research has been conducted to evaluate the potential impact of this policy on language planning in higher education in Japan. This paper addresses this gap in its exploration of the TGUP, including key changes from previous internationalization policies. It then presents an analysis of publicly available documents regarding the policy, collected from all 37 of the participant universities. Findings indicate a positive departure from older policy trends and the emergence of flexible, unique forms of English language education in Japan’s universities. 相似文献