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1.
Graeme C. Moodie 《Minerva》1996,34(2):129-150
Conclusion Academic freedom is thus a complex ideal, and I have argued that in many respects it has a more limited application than some of its protagonists seem to believe. Many of the arguments for it, moreover, are not peculiar to academics and universities. We would therefore be well advised to take seriously Eric James' injunction to think less of universities as having rights to additional and peculiar liberties, and to regard them more as places where the essential liberties of a civilised state find strongest champions, champions, moreover, who by reason of the intellectual strength which they possess, and the intellectual integrity which they defend, have a particular responsibility.36 But it is beyond rational doubt that the continuation of civilised states as civilised depends on the maintenance of, among other things, academic freedom, and particularly of what I have called scholarly freedom. 相似文献
2.
Cheng Zeng Stephen M. Croucher 《Journal of International and Intercultural Communication》2017,10(3):201-218
This study explores the factors influencing the dissent behavior and perceptions of workplace freedom of speech among young Chinese professionals who are intra-urban migrants. It attempts to grasp the role of the Chinese household registration system, referred to as Hukou, in migrants’ professional and everyday life. Fourteen interviews were conducted with young, well-educated intra-urban migrants who possessed middle-income jobs but did not possess a Shanghai registration (Hukou). This study reveals that traditional Confucian values are significant in shaping Chinese migrant workers’ expressions of dissent and perceptions of workplace freedom of speech. Findings from this study demonstrate that further attention to professional migrants is warranted to understand their unique position in Chinese society. Internal migration is a global phenomenon particularly prominent in developing countries. This study is an attempt to shed light on internal migrant’s social and organizational life in developing economies. 相似文献
3.
Abstract This study is a mixed methods analysis of how French-Muslims respond to a French law banning the wearing of religious symbols in French public schools. In summer 2007, 356 French-Muslims were surveyed, and 20 of those Muslims were interviewed for this analysis. The statistical analysis reveals religiosity to be a significant predictor of French-Muslims’ negative sentiment toward la Loi 2004-228, the ban on the wearing of religious symbols in French public schools. In the interviews, French-Muslims express how they perceive la Loi 2004-228 as stifling Islamic religious identity and freedom, and leading to religious and political struggles in France. The paper concludes with a discussion of how the current situation in France represents a struggle over assimilation and how the issue of and controversy over Muslim immigration has spread throughout the European Union. 相似文献
4.
David Zimmerman 《Minerva》2006,44(1):25-45
The Society for the Protection of Science and Learning was begun in London in 1933, and became a key agency in the international
effort to rescue refugee scholars. The SPSL also raised political awareness among British scientists, uniting many voices
in the struggle against the Nazi assault on academic freedom. This paper traces the evolution of the Society from 1933 to
1939. 相似文献
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6.
Steve Garlick 《Journal of Cultural Economy》2020,13(5):548-560
ABSTRACT The relationship between masculinity, neoliberalism, and capitalist economy is difficult to analyse. This is apparent when we consider recent studies of neoliberal capitalism, which are almost entirely books about men, and yet this feature consistently escapes critical attention. In contrast, this article brings this relation into focus, and suggests that the critique of hegemonic masculinities is an important feature of the critique of neoliberalism. The article first reviews existing literature on the intersection of masculinity and capitalism, which is increasingly being drawn towards the analysis of neoliberalism. It then briefly takes up Michel Foucault’s study of neoliberalism, especially his contention that classical liberalism’s concern with the nature of markets maintains an ambiguous persistence within the neoliberal project, in order to consider what it may have to offer to an analysis of masculinity and neoliberalism. Finally, I turn to one of the key thinkers in the intellectual development of neoliberalism – Ludwig von Mises – and provide a critical rereading of his 1944 book Bureaucracy. I argue that, beneath its veneer of economic rationality, the text mobilizes masculinity as a technology that is crucial to managing both the affective and economic insecurities generated by neoliberal conceptions of freedom in market-based societies. 相似文献
7.
In the U.S.A., advocates of academic freedom—the ability to pursue research unencumbered by government controls—have long found sparring partners in government officials who regulate technology trade. From concern over classified research in the 1950s, to the expansion of export controls to cover trade in information in the 1970s, to current debates over emerging technologies and global innovation, the academic community and the government have each sought opportunities to demarcate the sphere of their respective authority and autonomy and assert themselves in that sphere. In this paper, we explore these opportunities, showing how the Social Contract for Science set the terms for the debate, and how the controversy turned to the proper interpretation of this compact. In particular, we analyze how the 1985 presidential directive excluding fundamental research from export controls created a boundary object that successfully demarcated science and the state, but only for a Cold War world that would soon come to an end. Significant changes have occurred since then in the governance structures of science and in the technical and political environment within which both universities and the state sit. Even though there have been significant and persistent calls for reassessing the Cold War demarcation, a new institutionalization of how to balance the concerns of national security and academic freedom is still only in its nascent stages. We explore the value of moving from a boundary object to a boundary organization, as represented in a proposed new governance body, the Science and Security Commission. 相似文献
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9.
Michael Rushton 《Journal of Cultural Economics》2000,24(4):267-282
In 1990, the Act governing theUnited States' National Endowment for the Arts wasamended requiring the Chairperson to ensure thatjudges of grant applications should take intoconsideration ``general standards of decency andrespect for the diverse beliefs and values of theAmerican public'. This provision has been widelydebated, and was challenged on the basis of whether itviolated the right of freedom of expression. But arecent decision by the U.S. Supreme Court found theprovision to be constitutional. This paper examinesrationales that have been put forward by philosophicalliberals, economists, and communitarians in support ofpublic funding of the arts. It finds that for each ofthese rationales the decency-and-respect provision onfunding is justifiable. The paper concludes with aspeculative discussion of the economics of the``artworld'. 相似文献
10.
When the journal Minerva was founded in 1962, science and higher educational issues were high on the agenda, lending impetus to the interdisciplinary field of “Science Studies” qua “Science Policy Studies.” As government expenditures for promoting various branches of science increased dramatically on both sides of the East-West Cold War divide, some common issues regarding research management also emerged and with it an interest in closer academic interaction in the areas of history and policy of science. Through a close reading of many early issues of Minerva but also of its later competitor journal Science Studies (now called Social Studies of Science) the paper traces the initial optimism of an academically based Science Studies dialogue across the Cold War divide and the creation in 1971 of the International Commission for Science Policy Studies as a bridging forum, one that Minerva strangely chose to ignore. In this light, attention is drawn to aspects of the often forgotten history of Science Studies in the former Soviet Union and the Eastern European block. Reviewed also are several early discussions that are still relevant today: e.g., regarding differing concepts of Big Science, science and democracy, autonomy in higher education and what conditions are necessary to sustain academic freedom and scientific integrity (some of Edward Shils’ primary concerns). Finally, it is noted how the question of quantitative methods to measure scientific productivity lay at the heart of a “Science of Science” movement of the 1960s has re-emerged in a new form integral to the notion of a “Science of Science Policy.” 相似文献
11.
ABSTRACTBanned from the U.S. during the “war on terror,” the British/Sri Lankan hip-hop artist M.I.A. responded by recording her 2007 album Kala in multiple locations throughout the global South, collating indigenous musical styles and unorthodox recording techniques. Via a critical/cultural analysis, this paper explores M.I.A.’s work on Kala as subaltern resistance mobilized by “differential movement,” particularly in its mode of production, which operated outside of, and in opposition to, institutional mechanisms designed to expunge or neutralize politically subversive art and artists. Yet M.I.A.’s musical sampling also surfaces conflicts between creative freedom and cultural appropriation, emblematizing “postcolonialist/postmodern schizophrenia” (Vályi, 2011. Remixing cultures: Bartók and Kodály in the age of indigenous cultural rights. In K. McLeod & R. Kuenzli (Eds.), Cutting across media: Appropriation art, interventionist collage, and copyright law (pp. 219–236). Durham, NC: Duke University Press.). 相似文献
12.
A performance-based funding system like the United Kingdom’s ‘Research Excellence Framework’ (REF) symbolizes the re-rationalization of higher education according to neoliberal ideology and New Public Management technologies. The REF is also significant for disclosing the kinds of behaviour that characterize universities’ response to government demands for research auditability. In this paper, we consider the casualties of what Henry Giroux (2014) calls “neoliberalism’s war on higher education” or more precisely the deleterious consequences of non-participation in the REF. We also discuss the ways with which higher education’s competition fetish, embodied within the REF, affects the instrumentalization of academic research and the diminution of academic freedom, autonomy and criticality. 相似文献
13.
Patrizia Tassinari Daniele Torreggiani Stefano Benni Enrica Dall’Ara Giovanni Pollicino 《Journal of Cultural Heritage》2011,12(4):485
The paper presents a set of synthetic architectural parameters dealing with the morphological aspects of rural buildings. The definition of these parameters represents a fundamental step of the FarmBuiLD research model (farm building landscape design), proposed by the authors as a tool for the analysis of the architectural characteristics of both historical and contemporary rural buildings, as well as the meta-design of new construction and transformation of contemporary rural buildings. The FarmBuiLD's module of physiognomical characterization of rural buildings allows to define the analytical-design parameters through the following phases: a critical analysis of the international scientific literature, a preliminary identification of the essential physiognomical characteristics of rural buildings, and an in-depth study of validation and calibration focusing on specific study cases. This work presents the preliminary definition of the parameters and a discussion about their experimental application through illustrative examples. Given their numeric value and strictly instrumental, thematic and complementary nature, the proposed parameters do not have any geometric, formal or stylistic characterization, and thus can be considered as capable of leaving an appropriate level of freedom within the design of solutions aimed at meeting both contemporary and future functional and aesthetic needs. 相似文献
14.
György Péteri 《Minerva》1996,34(4):367-380
Conclusions On the basis of these findings, I suggest that the structure and organisation of the field of Hungarian economics under state socialism should be described as a case of partitioned bureaucracy.9 The compromise between research economists and the political elite in the New Course era between 1953 and 195510 survived the post-1956 reaction in so far as political economy, with its predominantly legitimatory and ideological functions, remained partitioned from the other sectors in the field through the remainder of the state-socialist period. This secured considerable protection both for Marxist-Leninist political economy—which faced the destabilising effects of exposure to the findings of serious empirical research—and for the other sectors, which were professionally oriented and earnestly interested in the pursuit of unbiased empirical research, free from stifling agitprop interference. Our data concerning the reputational control of the field reflects only one, although very important, aspect of this partitioning. Another and much plainer aspect is that, from the early 1960s, the Agitation and Propaganda Department of the Central Committee no longer exercised control over the field, except in the political economy sector.The proposition about the mechanism paradigm should not be taken seriously as a statement of a Kuhnian type of intellectual organisation of Hungarian economics, with reform economics at its hard theoretical core. But it should certainly be taken seriously as a reflection of the sociopolitical structure which emerged and developed from the mid-1950s onwards. Neither the politicians nor the economists saw as necessary or even contemplated the integration of Hungarian economic research with Western mainstream economic thought. In exchange for the professional expertise and socio-economic intelligence necessary for the exercise of power, Hungary's state-socialist political class offered their economists relative autonomy and freedom from interference. The price the economists had to pay was partly to refrain from openly and systematically challenging the beliefs perpetuated by the political economy of socialism, and partly to accept in their research the paramountcy of policy orientation. But this burden they assumed willingly since it made them the only group within Hungary's academic intelligentsia—indeed, the only group in Hungarian society outside the political class—with the privilege of being coopted to the institutions with power over some restricted domains of policymaking. After 1989, especially under the conservative Antall government, this proved less than advantageous.11 Although the benevolence of many critics is open to question, it could greatly benefit the field if the economists' expulsion from contemporary politics went hand in hand with provision of the material, intellectual and institutional conditions for a new approach where a fundamentally scientific orientation is paramount. 相似文献
15.
Robert Spencer 《Culture, Theory & Critique》2013,54(3):207-221
Abstract This article shows that the work of the German Marxist philosopher Theodor W. Adorno offers a surprisingly rich resource for postcolonial theory. Adorno's work addresses the world outside Europe more often than one might expect. But it is not so much what Adorno thinks as how he thinks that makes him a postcolonialist. Adorno's philosophy of negative dialectics tracks particular phenomena to the totality of which they are a part. Everything, from the most innocuous details of everyday life to the Holocaust and imperialism, is linked to the world‐encircling, thought‐frustrating and violence‐inducing system of capitalism. But Adorno's characteristic negativity also makes him sensitive to that system's fallibility and its vulnerability to alternatives. The article therefore touches on the normative dimensions of Adorno's moral philosophy. Adorno's work commands attention because of its dialectical style of thinking, its consequent focus on capitalism's intrinsic violence, its belief that effective political action presupposes introspection and a moral capacity for empathy with others' suffering, and its attractive conviction that these aptitudes can be enabled by aesthetic experience. Accordingly, the essay concludes with a reading of the South African writer J. M. Coetzee's novel Disgrace. This article seeks to show that an Adornian postcolonial criticism is as concerned with the gratuitous longevity of capitalism and imperialism as it is inspired by the prospect of erecting a more just and egalitarian social order. 相似文献
16.
Despite the lack of a clear definition of the concept, “cultural diversity” has remained a core issue for more than a decade
(WTO, UNESCO, etc.). The aim of this paper is to begin to fill this gap. We argue that cultural diversity is a multi-dimensional
concept and that accurate metrics must rely on three criteria: variety, balance and disparity. We also stress that supplied
and consumed diversity have to be distinguished. We apply this set of multiple measures of diversity to publishing data for
France over the period 1990–2003. Our main result is that the situation of the publishing industry in terms of cultural diversity
is highly dependent on the dimension considered. Hence, diversity increases when variety is the sole consideration, whereas
taking balance or disparity into account leads to the opposite conclusion. This issue raises a series of questions about the
use of diversity measures in a policy debate concerned with furthering cultural diversity.
相似文献
| Stéphanie PeltierEmail: |
17.
In recent times there has been a surge in interest on policy instruments to stimulate scientific and engineering research
that is of greater consequence, advancing our knowledge in leaps rather than steps and is therefore more “creative” or, in
the language of recent reports, “transformative.” Associated with the language of “transformative research” there appears
to be much enthusiasm and conviction that the future of research is tied to it. However, there is very little clarity as to
what exactly it is and what criteria might be used to design policy instruments to make more of it happen. In this paper,
we contribute to the construction of a framework within which some conceptual clarity might be gained. We develop four analogies,
or metaphors, that are found in the discourse about “transformative research” and show what they imply for the meaning of
the notion and, as a result, both the phenomena that might be associated with it and the levers that would be available to
design policy instruments. The analogies serving as theoretical metaphors that we propose, and also document to be present
either explicitly or implicitly in the discourse about “transformative research,” are the stock market highlighting risk;
the process of evolution and its selection mechanisms; the process of popular culture and the power of “hot” events; and exploration
of the frontier of the unknown. No single analogy covers all the relevant issues. Together they help identify a field of phenomena
and the potential and challenges “transformative research” presents to policy. 相似文献
18.
Roderick James Weston Gerald J. Smith Suzanne M. Scheele Stephen H. Williams 《Journal of Cultural Heritage》2012,13(4):413-418
Solid-phase microextraction (SPME)–gas chromatography (GC)–mass spectrometry (MS) has been applied to the analysis of acetic acid and furfural that are emitted from the fibres of Phormium tenax (Xanthorrhoeaceae) [New Zealand flax] during degradation. Accelerated hydrothermal ageing of fibres of the Ruawai cultivar of P. tenax for 55 days at 70 °C resulted in the production of acetic acid at a level greater or equal to 1.65 mg g–1 fibre. This corresponds to only 8.5% of the acetyl groups present in the fibres. These groups are an important source of acetic acid, which is capable of damaging the fibres. The rate of production of acetic acid suggests that a heritage object made from the fibres of P. tenax, that was stored in damp ambient conditions, would undergo significant deterioration after a relatively short period. Other volatile products released during ageing included furfural, a series of short to medium chain aliphatic aldehydes that were derived from the oxidation of long chain unsaturated fatty acids on the fibres and a small group of products that were derived from carotenoids. The levels of furfural were determined to be approximately 0.75% of the potential production but at these levels, furfural could contribute to unpleasant odours from unventilated items. Fibres from six cultivars of P. tenax were found to release acetic acid and furfural all at the same rate. The levels of acetic acid that can be generated from these fibres are sufficiently high that low moisture levels and continuous change of air is required to minimize degradation of cultural objects that are made from these fibres and displayed in museum halls. 相似文献
19.
《Journal of International and Intercultural Communication》2013,6(1):23-50
Abstract In this study, we investigate the impact of cultural identity on: (a) motivations for engaging in deceptive communication, (b) the perceived “deceptiveness” of a range of deceptive responses, and (c) the willingness to use various deception strategies. Participants from three different locations (Hong Kong, Hawai'i, and mainland United States) were provided with a questionnaire designed to assess cultural identity, motivations for deception, perceptions of the deceptiveness of a range of various deceptive messages, and the willingness to use various available deception strategies. Results indicated that higher degrees of interdependence were related to a greater overall motivation to deceive for both self- and other-benefit. Furthermore, results suggest that whereas those characterized by higher degrees of independence will tend to perceive any message that departs from the truth as highly deceptive in nature, those characterized by higher degrees of interdependence will be more likely to perceive messages that depart from truth as “not deceptive.” Finally, the willingness to use the various deception strategies was found to be moderated by effects of the self-benefit versus other-benefit situations. Current findings provide preliminary evidence that culture is indeed a relevant factor that can no longer be ignored in future theorizing and investigation of deceptive communication phenomena. 相似文献
20.
Chloë Taylor 《Culture, Theory & Critique》2013,54(2):187-207
AbstractMichel Foucault argues that it is not sex but death that is the true taboo in the modern, biopolitical era. The result is that regular death has been privatised and institutionalised, wars are waged in the name of life, capital punishment has become a scandal, and suicide has become a problem for sociological and psychiatric analysis rather than law. In contrast to the dominant view, Foucault portrays suicide not as a mark of pathology but as a form of resistance (tragic or pleasurable) to disciplinary power, and argues for an aestheticisation of voluntary death as part of a beautiful life. Through a reading of the writings of Québecoise author Nelly Arcan, this essay presents but also critiques and expands upon Foucault's accounts of suicide, exploring the thesis that the pathological model of suicide produces the subjects that it intends to treat. 相似文献