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1.
This study extends the Gamson Hypothesis, which asserts that trust and self-efficacy affect political activity, by examining how reliance on mainstream and alternative sources of political information interact with trust, self-efficacy, and political activity. Overall, this study supports the Gamson Hypothesis: Dissidents (those high in self-efficacy and low in political trust) are more likely to protest the government than Assureds (high levels of trust and efficacy), who are more likely to engage in more conventional political activities. Dissidents avoid online newspapers and broadcast news sites and instead turn to more polarizing sources, such as radio talk shows and political blogs. On the other hand, Assureds rely on mainstream sources such as broadcast television online and avoid more partisan sources such as political Web sites and talk radio. 相似文献
2.
This study examines whether or not attention to campaign newsinfluences political trust. It also explores whether politicaltrust predicts attention to campaign news, and whether the mechanismof influence between attention to campaign news and politicaltrust differs across educational levels. Political trust wasoperationalized as trust in government. The 1992 American NationalElection Survey data were used. Results of two-stage least squaresanalysis show that attention to television campaign coveragereduced trust in government, while a low level of trust in governmentincreased attention to newspaper campaign coverage. More importantly,the mechanism of influence between political trust and attentionto campaign coverage differed across educational levels. Amongthe less educated, attention to campaign coverage on televisionled to lower levels of trust. Among the more educated, a lowlevel of trust in government increased attention to campaigncoverage. The findings also indicate that the types of media(television vs. newspapers) matter when it comes to media effectson political trust, Implications of findings on the relationshipsbetween the concepts of political trust, vigilant skepticism,education, and media use are discussed. 相似文献
3.
《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(4):413-434
In a now-famous article, Robert Putnam traced changes in interpersonal (IP) trust, civic engagement, and political trust in the United States during the past 3 decades. Although trust in government has declined, so have IP trust and civic engagement. Putnam places the blame for the loss of the various components of so-called civic or social capital squarely on television as a medium. We analyze 4 data sets to explain IP trust. Education, newspaper readership, and age are consistent and strong associates of trusting attitudes and behaviors. Reported political talk radio listening and elite electronic news use also are linked to trust. Those high in social trust, however, are not consistently heavier or lighter consumers of television. Putnam's hypothesis, in other words, is not confirmed in these data. Implications, as well as some reasons to continue to entertain the hypothesis, are explored. 相似文献
4.
This study extended talk radio research to a developing nation setting. Results received from a Kingston, Jamaica sample of 268 adults, with access to 10 call‐in programs, supported the hypothesis that information and surveillance are the primary gratifications sought from call‐in radio programs in a developing nation. In contrast to U.S. results, reinforcement and companionship were less sought from talk radio listening. Lower socioeconomic status, lower educated, and higher isolated listeners were most apt to find gratification through a range of call‐in programs. These results indicate a potentially important role for call‐in radio in developing nations. 相似文献
5.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(1):23-31
Talk radio has emerged as a major political force in the past few years, but there is little systematic evidence on how talk shows may affect listeners. The author uses national survey data to investigate how talk radio exposure may influence two important aspects of a healthy democracy: political efficacy and participation. The author concludes that talk radio is unrelated to self‐efficacy, the belief of one's own competence to deal with public affairs. However, attention to talk radio leads to less system efficacy, the belief in the responsiveness of government institutions and officials. Finally, exposure is found to be strongly related to participating in a number of conventional political activities. 相似文献
6.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(1):70-75
This study used a statewide sample of 400 Alabama residents to analyze the relative credibility of local radio news, as compared to local television and local radio. The results indicated that local radio news has a level of credibility that is lower than that of local television, but is comparable to that of local newspapers. This finding confirms previous studies that have noted that media consumers tend to have a higher regard for television than any other news medium, but this difference was not as dramatic as those reported by studies that have used forced-choice questions. Local television is indeed more credible than local radio news, but not dramatically so. 相似文献
7.
Nicholas C. Neupauer 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(1):77-85
This study examined on‐air television and radio newscasters' traitlike communication dispositions. Television and radio personalities were found to be less apprehensive, less shy, less responsive, more assertive, more willing to communicate, and more extroverted than the average individual. The study also indicated that individuals working for higher paying/ranked television or radio stations/ markets are more willing to communicate, more extroverted, more assertive, less responsive, and less shy than those in the same field working at smaller, lower‐paying/ranked stations. 相似文献
8.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(1):10-22
This article reviews talk radio research and summarizes articles from the trade and popular press that document the phenomenal growth in talk radio since 1987, when the Fairness Doctrine was abolished. Anecdotal evidence suggests that talk radio can have a powerful impact on public debate, especially regarding “hot button “ issues that arouse emotion and address voter frustration with the status quo. Examples include the successful defeat of the proposed Congressional pay raise in 1989 and the election to Congress of a Republican majority in 1994. Talk radio is less successful in rallying listeners on complex issues such as campaign financing reform. 相似文献
9.
The abundance of political media outlets raises concerns that citizens isolate themselves to likeminded news, leaving the public with infrequent shared media experiences and little exposure to disagreeable information. Network analysis of 2008 National Annenberg Election Survey data (N = 57,967) indicates these worries are exaggerated, as general interest news outlets like local newspapers and non-partisan television news are central to the public’s media environment. Although there is some variation between the media diets of Republicans and Democrats (FOX News and conservative talk radio are central to Republicans’ information network), neither group appears to engage in active avoidance of disagreeable information. Individuals across the political spectrum are not creating partisan “echo chambers” but instead have political media repertoires that are remarkably similar. 相似文献
10.
We examined how motivation, audience activity, and attitudes influenced the likelihood of watching societal‐issue and relational topics on television talk programs. Path analysis supported differences in ritualized and instrumental motives for watching talk shows. Information and exciting‐entertainment motivation predicted greater’ realism of, affinity with, involvement with, and intent to watch talk television. Pass‐time motivation predicted reduced affinity with and intent to watch talk television, and reduced likelihood of watching relational topics. Information motivation predicted greater likelihood of watching relational topics. We discussed these findings in light of the concept of audience activity. 相似文献
11.
论西方广电传媒业的公共规制 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
本文通过对广播电视业的公共规制依据、西方广电传媒业的公共规制模式、西方广电传媒业的规制改革趋势的分析 ,力图从公共规制的角度来揭示西方现代广电传媒体制的多样性和普遍性 ,为我国的广电事业管理体制改革和广电事业公共规制理论的探索提供一些有益的启示。 相似文献
12.
《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):598-614
Many critics have chided daytime television talk shows because of deviant behavior that they highlight. This study examined if exposure to daytime television talk shows cultivated negative attitudes and perceptions of interpersonal relationships in the U.S. among international and U.S. students. The hypothesis that international students would demonstrate more of a cultivation effect than U.S. students was tested using three dependent measures: (1) estimates of the frequency of certain inappropriate behaviors in the U.S., (2) attitudes about interpersonal relationships among certain primary groups in the U.S., and (3) perceptions of certain interpersonal relationships among primary groups in the U.S. The hypoth-sis received support on all three measures. 相似文献
13.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(1):22-35
KMOX‐AM in St. Louis hired J.C. Corcoran to try to update its sound. Corcoran and KMOX represented two contrasting styles in talk radio— “shock”; and “community service.”; These styles can be seen as reflecting two visions of America—a modernist vision of civic discourse and public participation, and a postmodernist vision in which distinctions have blurred between the public and private spheres and between news and entertainment. The authors qualitatively examine the talk on a program hosted by a “shock jock”; on a respected news‐talk radio station. 相似文献
14.
William R. Hazard 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(1):43-51
If there is. one type of program common to all broadcasting stations, it is news. When television arrived, many thought that the addition of pictures to sound reports would create a method of news presentation that would inform the public better than any previous technique or medium. The following article reports research into this belief, to replace the unsupported talk that is far more common—on the part of both television newsmen and their rivals in other media. 相似文献
15.
The literature on public, educational, and government (PEG) access channels has focused on production rather than audience analysis, which hinders our understanding whether such channels remain relevant forums for public expression and a source of community information in an increasingly digitized and converging media landscape. To address this gap, this study draws on random sampled survey data in Austin, Texas to analyze the audience of PEG access channels. Findings suggest that public access television remains relevant for underprivileged populations, especially racial minorities and less educated people. Online media do not reduce the importance of cablecasting public access content to local residents. Compared to non-viewers, viewers of public access channels have significantly higher social capital. This research has practical implications because many PEG channels across America have been cut back or shut down due to budget cuts. 相似文献
16.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(1-2):137-141
This paper provides an overview of the Peabody Collection of radio and television programs housed at the University of Georgia. The collection is one of the largest broadcast archives in the county, with holdings of more than 30,000 programs. Instructions are provided for scholars wishing to utilize this goldmine of early programming dating back to 1940 (for radio) and 1948 (for television). The archive's tie to the Peabody Awards process is detailed, because the connection impacts access procedures and speaks to the potential biases and strengths of the holdings. The unique advantages of the archive include the large cache of companion print materials and the wealth of public service and local programming. The limitations are discussed, primarily the time-consuming protocols necessary for locating programs of interest Scholarly work utilizing both radio and television materials from the archives is briefly noted. 相似文献
17.
This study examines US network television coverage of the 1980 Kwangju and 1989 Beijing‐Tiananmen Square incidents in relation to American policy towards those East Asian nations and the increasingly global impact of television on foreign policy. Both episodes involved pro‐democracy movements, imposition of military force, violence, and implications for US policy. While both were covered by television, Beijing became a global media event while Kwangju was accorded more perfunctory coverage. The study documents heavy reliance on official sources in coverage of both events, but greater attention to pro‐democracy demonstrators in Beijing as more ‘worthy’ victims than those in Kwangju. It also points to the difficulty language poses for Western news organizations in East Asia, and the tendency of television to serve as a reference point for all reporting. The hypothesis that media index their coverage according to mainstream government debate must take into account such factors when being tested in an era of global television. When television is less actively engaged in covering an event, as in Kwangju, policymakers have greater power to shape the public dialogue. A broad question for the future regards the evolution of institutions to promote civil versus statist discourse. 相似文献
18.
By interviewing and thus gathering data from 10 prominent public radio talk show hosts as to how they perceive their tasks and actions during conflict-related debates and discussions, the authors were able to categorize these self-reflections in terms of the hosts' overall communicative, directive, and procedural strategies. This article reflects on the degree to which these activities define the overall roles of public radio talk show hosts and especially on whether these social actors perceive their moderating roles as a form of third party intervention similar to the work of facilitators or mediators of social conflict. 相似文献
19.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(1):9-21
Talk radio has evolved into the town meeting of the 1990s. Talk radio's success comes from a combination of powerful personalities, audience involvement, and propagandistic appeals. Talk radio has become so powerful as to prompt the president of the United States to denounce many of its practitioners. Radio listeners need to understand how public figures use the media to manipulate the airwaves and their messages to influence the masses. This paper critically examines conservative talk radio figures using Father Charles Coughlin, the famous “radio priest” of the Shrine of the Little Flower, as the locus of comparison. The authors analyze the radio discourse of Coughlin, contemporary national figures such as Rush Limbaugh, and a Detroit‐area commentator, Mark Scott. Traditional propaganda analysis facilitates understanding of the rhetorical force of talk radio and enables the public to increase their awareness of and ability to deal with propaganda. 相似文献
20.
《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(1):74-86
Talk radio could help citizens obtain information to make reasoned political judgments. The 7 996 and 7 998 National Election Studies show that exposure to talk radio is not significantly related to political knowledge when other social-psychological factors are controlled. The finding that listening is not significantly linked to political knowledge may be explained by the fact that only a third of the public listens to talk radio and that these programs are entertainment driven by economic forces. 相似文献