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1.
MASS MEDIA AND POLITICAL OUTSPOKENNESS IN HONG KONG: LINKING THE THIRD-PERSON EFFECT AND THE SPIRAL OF SILENCE 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
This study analyzes the impact of perceptions of the opinionsof others on political outspokenness in Hong Kong. Two relatedtheories, the third-person effect and the spiral of silence,are tested in the context of public opinion regarding the Sino-Britishdispute over Hong Kong's political future. To estimate the potentialinfluence of perceived public opinion on political outspokennessduring this political crisis, a representative telephone surveyof 660 respondents in Hong Kong was conducted in November 1993. As hypothesized by the third-person effect, perceptions of theinfluence of media reports about the Sino-British dispute onothers were found to be consistently greater than perceptionsof influence on self. Similar to previous findings, respondentswith a higher level of education were more likely to believethat the mass media influence others more than themselves. Thestudy also found empirical support for the spiral of silencehypothesis. Politically unconcerned respondents were less willingto voice their political opinions publicly when they perceivedthe majority opinion not to be on their side. Findings alsoindicate that the third-person effect indirectly influencesthe spiral of silence process through its impact on perceptionsof public opinion. 相似文献
2.
As Hong Kong prepares for a political transition in 1997, neither the existing colonial British government nor the impending People's Republic of China (PRC) has established a strong historical foundation for political trust within the territory. In this study, we examine the level of distrust towards the existing and future political regimes, as well as attitudes towards Hong Kong's future. Based on a representative telephone survey of Hong Kong residents (N = 512), we find a high degree of political distrust among respondents, particularly towards the PRC administration. Although initial bivariate analyses establish some association between distrust and media exposure, channel preference, and demographic variables, further multivariate analyses suggest that many of these factors are highly interrelated. One central finding is that among men and those with middle to high socio‐economic status, television news exposure is associated with trust in the PRC. Conversely, women and younger people tend to distrust the PRC, regardless of their news exposure. 相似文献
3.
Francis L. F. Lee 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(2):222-244
Media outlets and platforms in contemporary societies do not operate in isolation, but are interconnected with each other in various ways. The influence and significance of a medium can therefore depend on what Bolter and Grusin (1999) labeled “remediation,” that is, the processes through which a medium is represented by other media. Content adaptation—the selective appropriation of the contents of another medium—is a specific means of remediation. This article applies these theoretical principles to the study of talk radio in Hong Kong. It examines how newspapers appropriate the contents of political talk radio and how content adaptation by the press affects people's perceptions of talk radio. Empirically, a content analysis shows that newspapers regularly cover talk radio contents, but the coverage is affected by the journalistic paradigms the newspapers adopt. Based on the content analysis, hypotheses about the relationships between news consumption, talk radio listening, and perceived value of talk radio are set up and tested by data from a representative survey (N = 862). The findings confirm the presence of “content adaptation effects.” 相似文献
4.
This study extends the research of the third-person effect by examining the effect of time span of media message on perceptual and behavioral components of the third-person effect. Using a survey of Hong Kong residents, the study explores perceived media effect of the news coverage of a short- and a long-term issue and the predictor of intention to take action to reduce negative effect. The results revealed no third-person effect by the short-term messages and the reverse third-person effect (first-person effect) by the long-term messages. There was a significant difference in discrepancy between the perceived media effect on self and others (third-person perception) produced by the messages of the short- and long-term issue. The study also found that perceived media effect on self is a stronger predictor of intention to take action to reduce the negative effects of the short- and long-term issue than the third-person effect. 相似文献
5.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(2):204-222
This study focused on call-in talk radio because it provides a unique opportunity to test competing hypotheses drawn from two different perspectives about the appeal of media programming. A good deal of research on call-in talk radio grows from a deficiency perspective, which holds that people seek out media content to fill gaps in their lives. More recent research, however, suggests that, like the selection of other media content, the appeal of talk radio lies in enrichment, or its ability to provide content for specialized interests. A random telephone survey tested competing hypotheses that compared listeners to call-in talk radio with nonlisteners. For the most part, the results supported an enrichment explanation. Compared to nonlisteners, listeners to call-in talk radio listened to the programs for information, perceived themselves as more mobile, and valued arguments. Compared to nonlisteners, callers to the programs were also more civically engaged. Moreover, listening to various subformats of talk radio programs was also likely to signal enrichment. 相似文献
6.
This paper examines the media system of Hong Kong from a socio‐cultural perspective. It proposes to analyse five major factors that determine a media system, namely, political structure, economic structure, media proprietors’ culture, media practitioners’ culture, and audience's culture. Interactions of these five factors result in four ideal‐type media systems. They are: Type I, Free System; Type II, Relatively Free System; Type III, Relatively Repressive System; and Type IV, Repressive System. Analysed in this context, the present media situation in Hong Kong can be considered to be a relatively free system. However, it is also observed that the media system in Hong Kong is likely to become a relatively repressive system after 1997. The paper further suggests that the socio‐cultural model developed here can be used for cross‐cultural comparison. 相似文献
7.
Joseph Man Chan 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):134-167
This paper first analyses the communication research environment in Hong Kong in regard to its socio‐political context, the media industry and more direct factors such as research freedom, financial‐institutional support, incentives, size and quality of trained personnel While the overall environment is facilitative, the small size of the research community in Hong Kong is limiting the volume of research output and scope of specialization. In reviewing researches in the last decade, it is found that commercial researches are generally more concerned about opinion distribution and media consumption. Government policy researches‐centre around media evaluations, preferences, programme standards and other regulatory issues. Academics pay most attention to political communication, international communication and, less so, information technology. As to future research, the author argues for more frequent use of longitudinal and comparative methods, the search for an original theoretical contribution to communication, an urban research agenda in development communication, the study of dependent communication development, interaction between mass media and political formation, regional cultural integration, advertising, media management, information technology and policy. The establishment of a communication policy forum is also called for to promote exchanges among academics, policy‐makers, media practitioners and interest groups. The expansion of the research community in Hong Kong hinges on successful faculty recruitment, the establishment of a doctoral communication programme and the relief of some staffs teaching overload. 相似文献
8.
Adopting a communication mediation approach, this study explores the role of overall social networking service (SNS) use in facilitating people’s participation in collective political action through the mediation of online and offline political discussions. The study also underscores the moderating effect on the mediation process of both social identity and geographical origin. Moderated mediation analyses reveal that the positive impact of overall SNS use on participation mediated by offline discussion is stronger for people with higher Hong Kong identity and for people from Hong Kong. This moderated mediation model specifies the socio-psychological mechanism of participation in collective political action in an immigrant society such as Hong Kong. 相似文献
9.
Paul Siu‐nam Lee 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):133-146
This research investigates the response of Hong Kong newspapers to the social change in the last two decades. It is found that Hong Kong newspapers are largely conservative, reconciliatory and non‐critical This pattern was remarkably stable in the last four decades. Although the newspapers shifted their focus from public services to civic and political issues in the last two decades, they were insensitive to the changing labour conditions. The newspapers’ geographical locus of attention was also stable over the years with little response to the changing world. The study finds that the newspapers in Hong Kong seldom criticized the Hong Kong or Chinese governments in. editorials, with the exception of the partisan newspapers whose attitudes varied with time and political stand. 相似文献
10.
The tendency for individuals to perceive a greater impact ofmedia messages on others than on the self, Davison (1983) argues,has led to a number of policy decisions in which éliteshave exercised control of mass media messages in order to ‘protect’vulnerable others. The third-person effect has been well-documentedin experimental research with little attention to its theoreticalunderpinnings, or its antecedents or consequences. This articleargues that the third-person effect can be understood throughattribution theory, especially through the concepts of self-servingbias and effectance motivation. Second, it demonstrates thatthe third-person effect is influenced by certain social structuralfactors, media use patterns, and perceived harm of content.Finally, while perceptions of harm are related to perceptionsof influence, influence does not play a role in predicting supportfor external control of media content, while perceived harmhas a significant impact. 相似文献
11.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(1):23-31
Talk radio has emerged as a major political force in the past few years, but there is little systematic evidence on how talk shows may affect listeners. The author uses national survey data to investigate how talk radio exposure may influence two important aspects of a healthy democracy: political efficacy and participation. The author concludes that talk radio is unrelated to self‐efficacy, the belief of one's own competence to deal with public affairs. However, attention to talk radio leads to less system efficacy, the belief in the responsiveness of government institutions and officials. Finally, exposure is found to be strongly related to participating in a number of conventional political activities. 相似文献
12.
In this article we extend recent work on exposure to campaign advertisements, comparing the effects of television ads, radio ads, and campaign-related e-mails using an unusual panel data set that provides information on multiple media sources. Our findings, which control for the endogeneity problem that has plagued much work in political communications, confirm that media exposure does affect citizen attitudes. We also find additional evidence that the medium matters, with exposure to television ads tending to undermine system-supporting attitudes, whereas exposure to radio ads has an overall positive effect; contrary to expectations, the “new medium” of campaign e-mails had no discernible effect. 相似文献
13.
The interplay between Twitter and media organizations has been an increasing area of research. This article examines how talk radio stations have adopted Twitter at an institutional level, based on a comparative study of the official accounts of three prominent talk radio stations in Canada in 2010 and 2011. While talk radio is considered an interpersonal medium, our analysis shows the stations mainly use Twitter as a one-way medium to broadcast news updates, rather than to engage with audiences. Our findings suggest a divergence between institutional and individual social media practices, with official accounts as formal channels of communication. 相似文献
14.
Tianjiao Wang 《亚洲交流杂志》2018,28(6):620-637
Perception of party polarization has a positive impact on political participation. While past research suggests that such impact depends upon people’s information use, empirical evidence is lacking. We used a mediated moderation model to test the multiplicative effect between polarization perception and media use on political participation. The data for analysis came from a survey of 625 representative Hong Kong residents in 2015. Findings show that the impact of perceived party polarization on political participation is contingent upon one’s news attentiveness, and that internal political efficacy serves as a mediator that partially explains the interaction effect. Narrowed gaps in political knowledge, efficacy, and participation were observed between light and heavy news users as perceived party polarization rises. The implications of the findings with respect to political participation, role of news media use, and the formation of efficacy beliefs in the context of party polarization are discussed. 相似文献
15.
《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(1):57-85
In this study, we report the results of a meta-analysis concerning the third-person effect's perceptual hypothesis. The hypothesis predicts that people judge the media to exert greater persuasive influence on other people than on themselves. Thirty-two published and unpublished studies with 121 separate effect sizes were examined. The overall effect size between estimated media effects on self and on others was r = .50. Among the 8 moderators investigated (source, method, sampling, respondent, country, desirability, medium, and message), 3 (sampling, respondent, and message) yielded significant effect size variations. Third-person perception in nonrandom and college student samples was significantly larger than in random and noncollege student samples. From a theoretical perspective, these findings may have been due to student participants perceiving themselves to be smarter than other people. A more disturbing explanation would attribute these findings to researchers relying on student samples. 相似文献
16.
Marginalized from the center of power, women in Hong Kong maybe particularly vulnerable to the future political transition,as the territory prepares for an exchange from British to Chineserule. How do women feel about the impending changes in HongKong? According to results from a recent (April 1993) representativetelephone survey in Hong Kong (n = 502), women are less likelyto have faith in the political future of Hong Kong than men.Moreover, this relationship between gender and political cynicismbecomes more pronounced when controlling for socio-economicstatus and is more intensive among persons in their middle years.Contrary to expectations, exposure to newspapers does not encouragedistrust, but instead appears to be associated with less cynicismof the future transition, at least among men. Women, on theother hand, are less likely to be susceptible to press coverage.In a context in which political transition is pending, suchas in Hong Kong, it is imperative to attempt to understand theevolution and disintegration of political cynicism, particularlyamong those who may be vulnerable to political change. 相似文献
17.
Adopting the Orientation–Stimuli–Reasoning–Orientation–Response (O–S–R–O–R) model of political communication effects, this study examines the mediating roles of online/offline political discussion and political trust on the relationship between social media information seeking and online/offline political participation in China and Hong Kong. Findings through structural equation modeling showed that the relationship between information seeking and online participation was mediated by online discussion for both samples. Moreover, the relationship between information seeking and offline participation was mediated by offline discussion, and offline discussion mediated the relationship between information seeking and online participation. Political trust did not mediate any of the relationships in China and Hong Kong and all significant paths involving political trust were negative. Implications of the findings for youth political participation in China and Hong Kong are discussed. 相似文献
18.
Lars Willnat 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):47-67
This study analyses the impact of perceptions of the opinions of others on political outspokenness in Hong Kong. Based on the results of two representative telephone surveys conducted in Hong Kong in 1993 and 1995, the spiral of silence theory is tested in the context of public opinion regarding the Sino‐British dispute over Hong Kong's political future and the 1995 Legislative Council election. As hypothesized, respondents in both surveys were more willing to voice their political opinions publicly when they perceived the majority opinion to be on their side, or when they perceived a trend in support of their own political viewpoint. However, this effect was observed only for respondents who were not much concerned about either issue. People's political outspokenness was primarily boosted by higher issue salience, more exposure and attention to television news and news magazines, and higher political interest and efficacy. 相似文献
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20.
We argue that the influence of presumed influence (IPI) model (Gunther & Storey, 2003) should be extended through an additional interaction term between the presumed effects of media on “others” (PME3) and the “self” (PME1). Doing so would enable testing of whether individuals who perceive a mutually shared influence of the media show stronger support for censorship. The IPI model does not suffer from the methodological limitations of the conventional third-person effect literature relying on other–self disparities (i.e., PME3–PME1), but it focuses entirely on the main effect of PME3; thus, insufficient attention is paid to the role of PME1 in explaining the influence of presumed influence. To validate this Extended IPI model, and determine how it compares with other models, we compared individuals’ presumptions about the effects of fake news on others (PFNE3) and themselves (PFNE1), and how PFNE3 and PFNE1 interact to influence individuals’ support for policies prohibiting the potential negative effects of fake news. We found that individuals’ support for government interventions and sanctions for fake news creators and sharers was stronger if they believed that fake news influenced both other people and themselves. The theoretical and methodological implications of the Extended IPI model are discussed. 相似文献