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新疆南疆地区维吾尔族青少年国家认同与民族认同比较研究 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
民族认同与国家认同是民族地区青少年需要面对的双重认同问题,树立正确的民族认同观与国家认同观直接关系到民族文化的传播和国家的稳定。在对新疆南疆地区2116名青少年进行比较研究后发现：南疆地区维吾尔族青少年的国家认同较民族认同相比表现得更为积极,与汉族青少年相比,他们的国家认同较低而民族认同较高 国家认同的形成会提升维吾尔族青少年的民族认同 来自县镇和城市的青少年群体在国家认同和民族认同上都较高,而农村的相对较低 父母亲的文化程度越高,子女的国家认同与民族认同就越高。 相似文献
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Başak İnce 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(2):115-131
This paper scrutinises citizenship education in Turkey from the foundation of the Turkish Republic (1923) to the present and explores the extent to which it encourages inclusive or exclusive concepts of national identity and citizenship. In Turkey, where there are citizens belonging to ethnic and religious minorities, civic education plays a prominent role for promoting tolerance among citizens. Using framing questions from phase one of the International Association for the Educational Achievement’s (IEA) research of Civic Education Across Countries, the civic education textbooks of Turkey are examined to determine the extent to which they promote democracy and human rights, make positive references to ethnic and religious minorities, and promote social cohesion. As Turkey was not included in phase one of the IEA study, the paper provides original information for comparative studies, reconsideration of citizenship education in multicultural societies and promoting an active national citizenry in Turkey. 相似文献
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Daniel Faas 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》2008,29(1):37-48
This article investigates how 15‐year‐old white and Turkish students in two Inner London comprehensive schools, one in a predominantly working‐class area (Millroad School) and the other in a more middle‐class environment (Darwin School), construct their identities. Drawing on mainly qualitative data from documentary sources, focus groups and semi‐structured interviews, the work points to a range of factors affecting identity formation processes, such as macro‐political approaches and school dynamics. The research found that at Millroad School, which celebrated diversity and where students’ conflict was ethnic or racial, young people found safety in their national(istic) identities. In contrast, at Darwin School, which tried to integrate students on the basis of common British citizenship and where there was only low‐level ethnic conflict, young people developed hybrid ethno‐national identities. This article raises important questions about how to create community cohesion in conflictual environments so as to promote both diversity and solidarity. 相似文献
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P. A. Singh Ghuman 《Educational studies》2002,28(1):47-59
This paper reviews published research on the education of South Asian young people in the UK. Young people of South Asian ancestry face extra problems of social adjustment at school because of the clash of values between the Asian home and the school and the racism of British society. The review covers important areas of concern, i.e. scholastic achievement, vocational aspirations, entry to higher education, inter-ethnic relations in schools, attitudes of teachers and mother tongue teaching. It is quite clear that South Asian young people in the UK (with the exception of Bangladeshis) are achieving as well as their white counterparts. Indeed, their rate of entry to universities is higher than that of whites. There also appear to be 'good' race relations in British schools as reported by most researchers. However, what emerges from the analysis is that there remain two main areas for concern; namely, the teaching of the mother tongue within the school curriculum and the entrenched negative attitudes (prejudice) of some teachers against South Asians. It is argued that there are wider ramifications of this paper for other ethnic minority adolescents in Europe and elsewhere. The paper concludes by offering some suggestions which might prove useful in this context. 相似文献
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Mneesha Gellman 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》2019,40(4):523-537
AbstractThis article critically examines bilingual, intercultural education policies and practices in El Salvador and Mexico. In the context of legacies of assimilation and neoliberal homogenization, certain kinds of citizenship become prioritized over others. This is visible where performances of local identity clash with state mandates about educational content and the language of school instruction. I address the effects of state agendas in schools on the politics of multiculturalism and argue that the absence of state commitment to bilingual, intercultural education undermines democratization efforts by marginalizing certain types of citizens more than others. By considering ethnic minority education in both El Salvador and Mexico, I analyze in a comparative perspective the ways that indigenous people have been rendered invisible as citizens unless they are willing to assimilate in the arena of formal education. 相似文献
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Billy Wong 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(6):730-746
While concerns around minority ethnic students and underachievement have attracted considerable attention in educational research, such as in England, few studies have examined those who excel, except as reference to justify the equity of the established system. This paper explores the educational success of British Chinese and Indian students, who are synonymously recognised as the model minority due to their tendency to achieve exceptional grades in national examinations. Data in this paper includes four discussion groups and 23 semi-structured interviews with British Chinese and Indian students (aged 11–14) and six teacher interviews. This study explores the social costs and benefits of the label of model minority and how these students attributed with such an identity construct and interpret educational success. Although high expectations by self and by others can positively contribute to the educational success of British Chinese and Indian students, inflated expectations can also generate a continuous sense of insecurity. Model minority students must contemplate the fear of failure and the potential damage they could inflict on the reputation of their family. Implications of the identity of model minority for students, teachers and policy are suggested. 相似文献
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《Journal of Language, Identity & Education》2013,12(3):207-234
This study examines language policy in two British colonies, Basutoland (Lesotho) and Ceylon (Sri Lanka), during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It finds that mother tongue education and the concomitant restriction of the teaching of English for the working classes in these colonial contexts constituted a form of industrial education. On the basis of these data, a critique is offered of some of the problematic assumptions of the language rights literature, which tends to reduce language rights to those that have reference to national, national minority, and ethnic group affiliations. There is, therefore, a tendency to treat language users as carriers of national (or national minority) rights and to abstract from their membership in other types of sociological groups, most prominently, socioeconomic class. Such assumptions are problematic because they abstractly identify the interests of national (or minority or ethnic group) members as identical or at least as nonantagonistic. This article also discusses some problematic notions of constructing language identity on the basis of ethnicity and suggests that when the lines of ethnolinguistic identity become blurred-as is now happening throughout the world-notions such as "mother tongue" and "language group" lose their meaningfulness as guideposts to language policy. 相似文献
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MULTIPLE IDENTITIES AND EDUCATION FOR ACTIVE CITIZENSHIP 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
ABSTRACT: This paper explores concepts of multiple and nested identities and how these relate to citizenship and rights, and the implications of identities and rights for active citizenship education. Various theoretical conceptions of identity are analysed, and in particular ideas concerning multiple identities that are used contingently, and about identities that do not necessarily include feeling a strong affinity with others in the group. The argument then moves to the relationship between identity and citizenship, and particularly citizenship and rights. Citizenship is treated non-legalistically, as one of the locations of belonging. The paper draws on three successive categorisations of citizenship rights: by T.H. Marshall in the 1950s, Karel Vasak in the late 1970s and John Urry in the 1990s, and is illustrated in part by the development of European citizenship in parallel to national identity. This is then linked to how contemporary citizenship education might use the exploration of contested rights as a way of developing practical enactive skills of citizenship. 相似文献
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《比较教育学》2012,48(1):87-102
This paper contributes to the study of citizenship by interrogating how young people in Nairobi (Chege and Arnot 2012) perceive their rights of citizenship. It builds on previous analyses of the connections between gender, education and poverty's poor urban settlements by focusing on the political dimensions of the young people's lives. The findings are based on in-depth interviews with 24 young men and women (mainly siblings aged 16–25) from 18 urban households which explored how they define their national identity and citizenship rights and their expectations of the Kenyan government. All youth felt a connection with the Kenyan nation and actively engaged with rights discourses, but secondary schooled youth demonstrated a noticeably more reflexive and challenging approach to the norms and responsibilities of citizenship. Young men focused on the public sphere, emphasising voting rights, political corruption and their role in leading community change, whilst secondary educated young women recognised the importance of ‘freedoms’ associated with national membership, their rights to choose within cultural traditions and the need to support their families. Gender is shown to play an important role in framing their understanding of themselves as citizens. 相似文献
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Political assumptions underlying pedagogies of national education: The case of student teachers teaching ‘British values’ in England 
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下载免费PDF全文 Teacher education in England now requires that student teachers follow practices that do not undermine “fundamental British values” where these practices are assessed against a set of ethics and behaviour standards. This paper examines the political assumptions underlying pedagogical interpretations about the education of national identities through documenting how a group of student teachers uphold the institutional demand of promoting fundamental British Values in relation to their discursive constructions of Britishness. Empirical data exemplifies potential political understandings guiding educational practices. Analysis suggests that pedagogies of national education are mediated by (i) educators’ understandings of the nation as an essential entity or a social construct and (ii) their understanding of national identities as being open or closed to competing interpretations. The paper concludes by examining implications of different political and pedagogical positions for practice and research. 相似文献
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Audrey Osler 《Cambridge Journal of Education》1998,28(1):77-96
Member states of the Council of Europe have acknowledged the importance of education for citizenship and have passed a number of resolutions concerning European citizenship and the need to promote democratic values, social justice and human rights. Yet there remains a degree of ambivalence over citizenship education and its relationship to the development of various identities, including personal and national identities. This paper examines the experiences of student teachers from a variety of European countries and the impact of a period of study abroad in another European country on their development of intercultural awareness, national identities and perceptions of how we might best educate young people for participation in democratic life. It considers the implications for teacher education. 相似文献
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Jo Ailwood Jo Brownlee Eva Johansson Charlotte Cobb-Moore Sue Walker Gillian Boulton-Lewis 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(5):641-653
Understandings of young children as active and capable citizens, while evident in discourses of early childhood education and research, are not widely reflected in the policy for the early years of schooling in Australia. This paper makes an analysis of the gaps and tensions between discourses of young children as active citizens and policy for citizenship education at the national level in Australia and at the Queensland State level. There is a widespread discourse within early childhood that regards young children as citizens and democratic participants in their own lives, as a reflection of the oft-cited Article 12 in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. However, educational policy and curriculum for citizenship in Australia, by and large, adheres to age and stage understandings of children that deem young children unable to conceptualise and/or articulate ideas of what it means to ‘be a good citizen’. We ask which discourses are being harnessed in educational policy for citizenship in Australia, what discourses are silenced or ignored and what this tells us about how young children are thought about in Australian politics and education. 相似文献
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Ulrike Niens Alison Mawhinney Norman Richardson Yuko Chiba 《British Educational Research Journal》2013,39(5):907-924
This paper aims to explore the relationship between religious identity, acculturation strategies and perceptions of acculturation orientation in the school context amongst young people from minority belief backgrounds. Based on a qualitative study including interviews with 26 young people from religious minority belief backgrounds in Northern Ireland, it is argued that acculturation theory provides a useful lens for understanding how young people from religious minority belief backgrounds navigate majority religious school contexts. Using a qualitative approach to explore acculturation theory enables an in‐depth understanding of the inter‐relationship between minority belief youth's acculturation strategies and their respective school contexts. Similar to previous research, integrationist attitudes generally prevailed amongst minority belief young people in this study. The findings highlight how young people negotiate their religious identities in a complex web of inter‐relationships between their minority religious belief community and the mainstream school culture as represented through peer and staff attitudes, school ethos and practices and religious education. Young people demonstrated differentiated understandings of acculturation orientations within the school context, which they evaluated on the basis of complex perceptions of educational policy, interpersonal relationships and individuals' motivations. Findings are discussed in view of acculturation tensions, which arose particularly in relation to the religious education curriculum and their implications for opt‐out provision as stipulated by human rights law. 相似文献
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John P. Myers 《British Educational Research Journal》2010,36(3):483-502
This article reports on the ways that 77 students in an international studies programme constructed meanings for global citizenship. The focus was on their personal meanings for the topic and how they articulated a global identity with their national civic beliefs. Data were collected from online discussion boards, written essays and 20 interviews. A key finding was that the students' political language for global citizenship, examined here in terms of purpose, membership and relationship with national citizenship, was predominantly a moral commitment framed in universal language. A second finding was that the students understood global citizenship as a heterogeneous and complex affiliation shaped by a range of sources. The implication is that citizenship education emphasizing a narrow notion of patriotism may encourage students to disengage from civic life because it does not represent their lived experiences and identities. Insights for making citizenship education practices more inclusive are discussed. 相似文献
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Jan Germen Janmaat 《British Educational Research Journal》2018,44(2):251-273
In 2014 the British government called on schools to actively promote fundamental British values (FBVs), seeing this as an effective way to prevent the radicalisation of young people. The government considers these values to include democracy, individual liberty, the rule of law and respect for people of different backgrounds and religions. Rather than criticising this policy on theoretical or ideological grounds, as many studies have done, the current article aims to ascertain support for the values labelled as fundamentally British among 23 year olds in England and to assess whether levels of support are associated with educational attainment and distinct educational practices experienced earlier in life. Data from the Citizenship Education Longitudinal Study (CELS) are analysed for these purposes. A multidimensional measure of FBVs is constructed based on policy understandings of the term rather than statistical considerations. The article finds that levels of support for FBVs among 23 year olds are already very high and do not differ between the White British majority and various minority ethnic groups, although the small sample sizes of the latter do not allow for strong conclusions about these differences. Among the educational conditions, educational attainment and particularly track attended appears to be the only influential condition, with those obtaining academic qualifications showing significantly higher support for FBVs than those achieving vocational ones. Adding this variable to the model neutralises the effects of specific programmes or pedagogies experienced during lower secondary, such as citizenship education, an open climate of classroom discussion or school‐based political activities. 相似文献
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Halleli Pinson 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》2008,29(2):201-212
This paper explores the ways in which Arab/Palestinian high school students in Israel negotiate their civic and national identities. The paper draws upon qualitative data that included semi‐structured interviews and focus groups with 20 students in an Arab Muslim high school. It focuses on the ways in which they make sense of the notion of citizenship and negotiate their position as Arab/Palestinian Muslim citizens in a Jewish state. The paper attempts to go beyond common conceptualisations of political identities of the Arab/Palestinian minority in Israel. It suggests that Arab/Palestinian students are aware of the politics of citizenship in Israel and draw upon different discourses of citizenship and meanings of inclusion in defining their belongings. 相似文献
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"公民身份"认同是超越民族、国家认同的一种更具价值的情感体验。由于受我国历史传统因素的影响,加上目前全球性问题突显,各国公民的身份认同问题正遭遇前所未有的危机。在我国朝向现代民主社会发展的进程中,应把培养现代公民作为一切教育的重要目标,同时把公民身份的认同从初级身份认同上升为政治性集体认同,加强公民权利意识的培养,成为我国公民教育的重要任务。 相似文献
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Fauzia Ahmad 《Gender and education》2001,13(2):137-152
Participation rates in higher education for British South Asian Muslim women are steadily increasing. The aim of this article, therefore, is to explore motivations and influences for entering higher education and to consider how these may contribute to current discourses surrounding Muslim women in Britain. The possible impact higher education may have on their future relationships and lifestyle choices is also briefly considered. Various notions of 'agency' have been expressed that are characteristic of the ongoing complex assessments made by these women in relation to both perceived familial obligations and their own aspirations. Their articulations suggest that higher education is increasingly viewed as a necessary asset in maintaining and gaining social prestige. This preliminary research indicates that young South Asian Muslim women are continually negotiating and renegotiating their cultural, religious and personal identities and that these processes operate in complex and sometimes contradictory ways. 相似文献