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1.
Roy Hay 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(9):1047-1061
Though the focus of this article is Australia, it is intended as a contribution to the debate about what was happening in the UK and elsewhere before football was codified by the Football Association in 1863. There is mounting evidence that a football culture existed far beyond the public schools and universities and that small-sided predominantly kicking games, often for monetary or other rewards, were being played by migrants to Australia who drew on their British heritage. Not only that but the game was being presented and encouraged by public authorities who would not have countenanced doing so had there been a risk of a breakdown in public order or violence accompanying the games. The article provides support for the arguments developed by Adrian Harvey in the UK.  相似文献   

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Football is central to Brazilian society, its way of imagining itself and its position in the world. Existing accounts of the origins of football in Brazil in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-centuries tend towards mono-causal explanations, highlighting the role of British pioneers and Brazilian enthusiasm for the game. This article argues for a multi-causal explanation, using a mixed methodology of archival research in Brazil and the UK, combined with spatial analysis through the development of GIS maps. Building upon the existing interpretations, it shows how important the historical contexts of dynamics of urban expansion and transport infrastructure development – both with considerable British influence – were to the establishment of football as Brazil's national sport.  相似文献   

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《Sport in History》2013,33(4):550-567
Consumption of Tennent's lager, brewed in Glasgow, served as an important means of expressing Scottish national identity from the 1960s. The role it came to play in the Scottish psyche ensured that this was no ordinary alcoholic beverage. It soon commanded more than half the lager market in Scotland, a dominance unrivalled among English breweries of lager south of the border. Given this ascendancy in Scotland, Tennent's, consumed in pubs with males as patrons, became linked closely with masculinity. Cans of Tennent's lager began featuring Scottish women in provocative poses from the late 1960s, much to the delight of male drinkers. In the marketing of this beverage, the brewery broadened the basis of Scottish national identity, which now became intertwined with Tennent's lager, masculinity and, soon, football. Sponsorship of Scotland's World Cup Football teams in the 1970s and later the Scottish Cup placed the brewer of Tennent's lager in the forefront of how Scotsmen saw themselves and defined their Scottishness.  相似文献   

6.
Lim Peng Han 《国际体育史杂志》2018,35(12-13):1217-1237
Abstract

The Singapore Football Association (SFA) was founded in 1892. In 1904, the YMCA initiated the first football league with 12 teams from military and European clubs and School Old Boys’ teams. The first phase from 1904 to 1913 was restricted to European and Eurasian only. The military teams won six out of the nine tournaments. The second phase of the league began in 1917 and from 1921 to 1941. The Straits Chinese Football Association (SCFA) took part in the league and the rejuvenated SFA included a representative from the SCFA. The Singapore Football League started with two divisions 1921 and participating teams from the SCFA in the same year and the Malaya Football Association (MFA) in 1924. The SCFA won the league for the first time in 1925 and subsequently in 1930, 1937, and 1938. In 1929, the SFA was renamed the Singapore Amateur Football Association (SAFA). The MFA won the League for the first time in 1931, and the first local team to win three years in succession from 1931 to 1933. From 1931 to 1941 the local teams won seven league titles out of 11. By 1940 the League grew with 44 teams in three divisions.  相似文献   

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This article seeks to add to the growing volume of evidence of a broad, tenacious and visible footballing culture throughout nineteenth-century Britain. It is argued that football persisted among the general population in a variety of forms, none of which required the assistance or involvement of the public schools or public schoolboys to ensure its survival as some historians had previously believed. Indeed, the sheer number of games, evidenced in a variety of forms and a variety of settings, suggests beyond reasonable doubt that most forms of football being played across the country were not formal matches but small-sided games played on church, works' or schools' outings, at rural fetes, galas and celebrations, or as street or casual football, the latter taking place on meadows, fields and greens. Contrary to orthodox historians, these games did survive through mid-century. Importantly, these were predominantly small-sided games and are the ones which are closest to Association football as it was codified in 1863 and hence of most interest to the debate on origins. Common sense then dictates that football can be seen as a cultural continuity, especially as far as the traditions of male youth are concerned, across the nineteenth century.  相似文献   

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This paper explores multiple and complex relationships between football (soccer), politics, and the economy in postcolonial Zambia. Based on archival and oral sources collected in Zambia, the paper argues that President Frederick Chiluba’s government failed to support football development when it came into power in 1991 because it was elected on a platform of liberalizing the collapsing national economy. Chiluba privatized state-owned companies that were sponsoring the game resulting in the plummeting of the local standards and migration of talented footballers abroad in search of better livelihoods. Furthermore, the paper argues that while the exodus of talented footballers led to the deterioration of the standards of the local league, their transnational experience boosted the performance of the Zambia national football team. This led to the emergence of one of the best national teams the country has ever had. Unfortunately, this particular team perished in the Gabon air disaster in 1993 following the government’s disinvestment in the game. However, a few months after the disaster, the country managed to rebuild a national football team, which emerged as runners up to Nigeria in the 1994 African Cup of Nations final as a result of a large pool of local and foreign-based football players.  相似文献   

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《Sport in History》2013,33(3):405-425
This article examines the history of football, migration and industrial patronage in the counties of Ayrshire and Lanarkshire, Scotland, during the formative years of the Scottish Football Association (1870–1900). It begins with an overview on the formation of clubs and associations in the two counties up to 1900. The article focuses on two specific case studies: one investigates football's relationship to Irish migration in Larkhall, Lanarkshire; the other examines the patronage of football clubs by paternalist coalmasters Bairds of Gartsherrie. Throughout this article, local football is observed in the context of class and religious identity within the two counties, as well as analyses of both the significance and limits of elite patronage in early Scottish football.  相似文献   

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《Sport in History》2013,33(1):26-46
This article examines the role of football, alongside other working-class pastimes, in engendering the proletarianization of the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) during the Great War. The article details how the nature and longevity of the Great War, allied to the associated need to raise a predominantly working-class ‘civilian army’, stimulated new approaches to sustaining morale which embraced working-class-derived values and customs. The raison d’être of the BEF's combat motivation (why a soldier should fight) increasingly depended upon workplace-centred notions of solidarity and mutuality. In military terms, these proletarian set of motivational influences became known as ‘loyalty to the primary group’, and the proletarian sport of football became one of the major vehicles for their diffusion. Concurrently, troop entertainments and recreations became dominated by some of the temporary escapes of proletarian culture – most notably organized football tournaments, but also music hall, cinema, fairs and trips to the seaside. By 1918 the BEF was decidedly proletarian, not just in its composition but also in its values and customs.  相似文献   

12.
Sporting leagues are generally based on collectivist principles, as the members need one another to produce their product. For much of its existence, the Football League has functioned as a cartel, operating income-sharing arrangements and controlling its membership. In the period from 1959 to 1986, a limited number of clubs left the League through the re-election process, in modest recognition of geographical logic, as clubs from growth areas to the south typically replaced clubs from more traditional economic areas that were often over-represented in the Football League. Clubs are widely seen to be utility-maximisers seeking success. Success in a sporting league is defined in a precise and relativist way and this article focuses on two of the least successful clubs to have played in the Football League, Barrow AFC and Workington FC, whose failure to obtain repeated re-election in the 1970s removed the only Football League clubs in a distinct economic zone, the north-west coastal steel district. This article examines the re-election mechanism and the particular economic factors that affected these two clubs, ranging from the decline of their main local industry to changes in the levels of and responsibilities attaching to rising cross-subsidy payments in the Football League.  相似文献   

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In today’s leading football training centres, state-of-the-art performance diagnostic systems such as the “Footbonaut” allow controlled and standardized assessments of physical and mental components of agility, e.g. speed of action and ball control, that are considered to be decisive for talent identification and development. However, effects of induced physical and mental strain on performing football-specific practice patterns remain to be elucidated, particularly in youth players, and, thus, characterize the purpose of this study. 33 randomly assigned competitive football players (U14 to U16) performed a standardized Footbonaut practice pattern (i.e. 20 balls randomly drawn at 50?km/h each), prior to and immediately after either mentally demanding tasks (MDT; n?=?11; continuous Vienna Test System’s Stroop task and determination test), physically demanding tasks (PDT; n?=?11; consisted of 4?×?4?min of football-specific high-intensity intervals with 3?min of active recovery in between) or a control condition (CON; n?=?11). Continuous heart rates (HR) as well as self-perceptions of fatigue were assessed. Main findings revealed performances for speed of action (p?=?0.44; f?=?0.01) and ball control (p?=?0.15; f?=?0.03) that were not modulated in the face of induced physical and mental strain as indicated by increased HR following PDT (p?<?0.001; d?>?0.8), or in the face of increased self-perceptions of fatigue following PDT and MDT (both p?<?0.001; both d?>?0.8) compared to CON. This is in line with a suggested talent factor and previous reports on motivational trade-off aspects in youth players. However, the present study’s short-timed practice patterns make it difficult to reliably compare a measuring sensitivity to complex football-specific movement behavioural and technical proficiencies with respect to mental and physical strain of longer-lasting football games and, thus, need further investigation in favour of improving talent identification and development using the Footbonaut.  相似文献   

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Football as a generic game-form was a feature of the sporting culture of the settlers of Australia. As the various codes emerged in Britain they were ‘exported’ to the colonies throughout the Empire. In Australia this cultural imposition was not complete for the British games faced significant cultural resistance, most notably from Australian Rules football. The first formal club was founded circa 1865 and by the time a governing body was formed in 1874, the game had acquired distinctive playing and administrative traits and a sporting ethos, These were aberrant to the British form as pragmatic modifications were made in response to the social, cultural and environmental exigencies and demands of the frontier-like context: the game of Rugby immediately became Australianized. This analysis traces the development of the game's culture in Australia through the initial 75 years of its institutionalization and demonstrates that despite its transit through the colonial era, urbanization, nationalism, federation and the travails of two World Wars, aspects of the residual culture remained. Rugby football, established in NSW and Queensland as a feature of the cultural hegemony of British Imperialism, prevailed largely unchanged in terms of power relations, ideology, finances and success over its first 75 years. This discussion reflects upon the critical influences, incidents and individuals that impacted upon and shaped Rugby union football in NSW and Queensland up to the founding of the Australian Rugby Football Union, which took until 1949 to occur.  相似文献   

16.
《当代体育》2008,(1):64-64
你不一定开过德国的奔驰,但不能不知道。你不一定看过德国的足球,但不能不知道。你不一定知道奔驰SL500、奔驰S500、奔驰S320……但它们都属于奔驰家族。你不一定知道戈麦斯、弗里茨、希策尔斯佩格……但他们都属于德国战队。德国奔驰,车世界的"超级男生"。德国足球,足球世界的"好男儿"。当德国足球驾驶德国的奔驰那就是(如下)车光球影,马达轰鸣狼烟四起,人车合一,绝配。  相似文献   

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Football hooliganism is a subculture in which ‘us-them’ boundaries are constructed, sharpened and contested both within and between participating groups. Applying Charles Tilly's concept of collective violence, I argue that a historical analysis of violence surrounding football in Britain between 1863 and 1989 indicates that football hooliganism is best viewed as a violent ritual triggered by similar processes to the coordinated destruction of international conflict. I then pose two questions that often plague students of collective violence: what causes variations in the level and form of violence over time, and how and why do participants vacillate between peaceful and violent social interactions? Adopting a relational approach, I argue that a small number of causal mechanisms such as nationalism have served to activate us-them boundaries which create, escalate and sustain variations in violence. By refocusing on the social interactions of hooligans rather than their identity, this paper seeks to renew opportunities for inter-disciplinary research into the social significance of violence at football matches.  相似文献   

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The topic of corruption in football has recently shifted from the periphery to the centre of social scientific attention. Although it is a topic of growing interest, research into corruption in football has been empirically limited and not adequately developed in theory. In this paper, the author studies referee bribery in Chinese professional football leagues, which would be helpful to compensate for the relative absence of experience and theories. By qualitatively analyzing primary and secondary sources, the author, using unspoken rules as a theoretical perspective, reviews referee bribery related to corruption in Chinese football. According to this study, bribing referees in Chinese professional football leagues between 1998 and 2009 was a common practice and deemed to be an unspoken rule by all football clubs. This paper identifies three forms of bribing referees to manipulate matches: paying off referees, manipulation of referees by CFA officials, and investing in emotional bonds. By describing bribe giving as an unspoken rule, the author looks at the widespread referee bribing and its tacit acknowledgement by clubs. This study focuses on examples related to Chinese football leagues; however, it also provides a framework under which corruption in international football can be understood and analyzed.  相似文献   

20.
This article explores the development of a football club as a means of understanding its late adoption of professionalism and its unusual wartime conduct. Ipswich Town were the only Football League team not to kick a ball for the duration of the Second World War. Arguably, the underlying causes of the club's inactivity in both global conflicts can be found in the patriotic and staunchly amateur ethos that permeated the organisation, resulting in a very late conversion to the professional game in 1936. When the Amateur Football Association (AFA) seceded from the Football Association (FA) in 1907, Ipswich Town sided with the gentlemen amateurs and competed in the socially-exclusive Southern Amateur League until the season before the club adopted professionalism. The unique nature of Ipswich Town's evolution offers an opportunity to explore the decline of this branch of the game in the face of professional football, the protagonists who were caught up in it, and the relationship between football and civic pride. In wartime, the human and social continuities between the professional company and its amateur predecessor arguably proved to be more influential than the ruptures that resulted from a controversial inter-war abandonment of cherished amateur principles.  相似文献   

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