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1.
ABSTRACT

In 1974, the Brazilian sports official João Havelange was elected FIFA’s president in a two-round election, defeating the incumbent Stanley Rous. The upset, often attributed to a successful alliance with Asia, the Middle East and Africa, what at the time was referred to as the Third World – surprised observers everywhere. Here, the election can be analysed as a historically relevant event of social significance. It can be thought of as a political window by means of which the international dynamic of a specific moment in the Cold War can be perceived, especially the limitations and potentialities of the agency available to periphery countries at that time. In this article, I intend to discuss the narratives that forged the history of FIFA, which take this political ‘event’ as a key in the institution’s own historical transformation. The sources analysed will be mainly FIFA official histories, such as the FIFA News, FIFA historical books and movies about the history of FIFA.  相似文献   

2.
International sporting associations (ISAs) like the International Federation of Football Associations (FIFA), the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and Fédération Internationale de l’Automobile (FIA) have throughout the twentieth century promoted political neutrality as a source of autonomy. With FIFA and the IOC’s official adherence to the United Nations’ human rights conventions in 2017, FIA remains one of the few large ISAs where neutrality is not underpinned by a corrective on human rights. However, this position is in conflict with the ethical obligations FIA contracted when it was given full recognition by the IOC in 2013. To discuss this problematic, this paper draws upon J.S. Mill’s On Liberty and the concept of ‘inaction’ as a source for ways in which the FIA might reconsider its current stance.

Abbreviations: IOC (International Olympic Committee); FIA (Federation Internationale de l'Automobile); FIFA (International Federation of Football Associations); ICRC (International Committee of the Red Cross); ISA (International Sporting Associations); UEFA (Union of European Football Associations)  相似文献   


3.
ABSTRACT

Background: The FIFA 11+ has shown positive effects on balance and proprioception parameters in football players. As there have been very few research studies involving futsal, we examined the short and long term effects of the FIFA 11+ on static and dynamic balance, as well as proprioception in male amateur futsal players.

Methods: Seventy-one male futsal players were randomized to two groups (FIFA 11+: n = 37, age: 27.33 ± 4.33 years; Control: n = 34, age: 25.55 ± 4.65 years). Intervention lasted 10 weeks, 2 sessions per week, succeeded by a 10-week follow-up period. For balance testing, we assessed the single-legged postural sway with a force platform (static balance) and the Y balance test (dynamic balance). Proprioception was assessed with active joint position sense testing.

Results: Complete pre-post intervention and follow-up tests were available for 61 players. The FIFA 11+ group showed higher training exposure and lower body mass index and body weight. After adjustment for baseline differences, no significant differences between groups were observed in the pre-post changes for centre of pressure measures, Y-balance and proprioception parameters both at short and long-term.

Conclusions: Performing FIFA 11+ for 10 weeks did not improve static and dynamic balance as well as proprioception in amateur futsal players.  相似文献   

4.
Abstract

This study aimed to assess the cost-effectiveness of the “Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) 11” injury prevention programme for ankle and hamstring injuries. This retrospective cohort study included eighty-four male amateur football players aged 18–40 years. The exposed group performed the FIFA 11 protocol twice a week throughout the 2010–2011 and 2011–2012 seasons; the unexposed group performed the usual training during the 2008–2009 and 2009–2010 seasons. Lateral ankle ligament and hamstring injuries were recorded over the whole study period. We compared the mean costs associated with lateral ankle ligament and hamstring injuries in the two groups. The mean cost per player and lateral ankle injury was EUR 928 in the unexposed group versus EUR 647 in the exposed group (p?=?0.19). The mean cost of hamstring injury per player was EUR 1271 in the unexposed group versus EUR 742 in the exposed group (p?=?0.028). The mean total cost per player was EUR 2199 in the unexposed group versus EUR 1273 in the exposed group (p?=?0.008). We concluded that the use of the FIFA 11 injury prevention programme reduced both the direct and indirect costs associated with lateral ankle ligament and hamstring injuries.  相似文献   

5.
PurposeThe aim of this study was to assess the effects of combining the FIFA 11+ and acute vibration training on reactive strength index (RSI) and 505 agility.MethodsSeventy-four male collegiate soccer players took part in the study and were randomly assigned to FIFA 11+ with acute vibration group (FIFA + WBV), FIFA 11+ with isometric squat group (FIFA + IS) or a control group consisting of the FIFA 11+ alone (Con). The warm-up consisted of the FIFA 11+ and was administered to all participants. The participants in the acute vibration group were exposed to 30 s whole body vibration in squat position immediately post warm-up. The isometric group completed an isometric squat for 30 s immediately post warm-up.ResultsRSI significantly improved pre- to post-intervention amongst FIFA + WBV (p < 0.001) due to a decrease in contact time (p < 0.001) in comparison to FIFA + IS and Con, but 505 agility was not affected.ConclusionThe results of this study suggest the inclusion of an acute bout of WBV post FIFA 11+ warm-up produces a neuromuscular response leading to an improvement in RSI. Future research is required to examine the exact mechanisms behind these improvements amongst other populations and over time course of the performance.  相似文献   

6.
ABSTRACT

The 1966 FIFA World Cup has become part of the iconography of its hosts and champions, England. Extant literature has tended to focus on the cultural and symbolic legacy of the tournament, or engaged with diplomatic relations between Britain and North Korea. Contrastingly, we use archival sources from footballing and government institutions to explore the less studied topic of how the tournament was reported and perceived in Latin America, where England had commercial interests and influence, but where there were allegations that FIFA, the FA and even the UK government manipulated the tournament to the advantage of England and other European teams. We provide fresh perspectives on the social and cultural significance of the 1966 FIFA World Cup by analysing how the tournament’s organizers attempted to manage the situation and resulting negative public relations, and how 1966 fits within longer-term footballing and diplomatic relations between England and Latin America.  相似文献   

7.
The Fédération Internationale de Football Association, or FIFA, is a non-governmental organization located in Switzerland that is responsible for overseeing the quadrennial World Cup football (soccer) competition in addition to its jurisdiction over other various international competitions and aspects of international football. The organization, long accused of corruption, has in recent years been increasingly criticized by observers and stakeholders for its lack of transparency and accountability. In 2011 FIFA initiated a governance reform process which will come to a close in May 2013. This paper draws on literature in the field of international relations to ask and answer the question: how can FIFA be held accountable? The paper's review finds that the answer to this question is “not easily.” The experience in reforming the International Olympic Committee (IOC) more than a decade ago provides one model for how reform might occur in FIFA. However, any effective reform will require the successful and simultaneous application of multiple mechanisms of accountability. The FIFA case study has broader implications for understanding mechanisms of accountability more generally, especially as related to international non-governmental organizations.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract

Arab politics have been written into the DNA of the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) since the expulsion of Israel in 1974. The expulsion like that of Taiwan underscored the incestuous relationship between politics and sport, most prevalent in the Middle East and North Africa. World soccer body FIFA’s failure to act on threats to sanction the AFC for violating the charters of FIFA and the AFC with the expulsions shaped global soccer’s attitude towards autocratic regimes. In the Middle East and North Africa, FIFA and the AFC’s refusal to impose adherence to their rules amounted to support for autocratic rule in a soccer-crazy region where rulers see the game as a key to exercising control of public space and an institution that evokes deep-seated passions. Their refusal has had far-reaching consequences for governance, certainly since 2002, when Mohammed Bin Hammam became AFC president until he was banned by FIFA from involvement in soccer 11 years later and under the reign of his successor, Sheikh Salman Bin Ebrahim Al Khalifa. Their governance and that of Kuwait’s Sheikh Ahmad Al-Fahad Al-Ahmed Al-Sabah, one of the most powerful men in international sports, reflects the authoritarian traits of the societies they hail from.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract

Little research has been published as to the ways in which the commercial aspects of the Fédération Internationale de Football Association’s (FIFA) World Cups are organized. Extant literature has instead tended to focus upon infrastructure issues, economic geography, and cultural aspects. Drawing upon ‘swarm theory’ and historian Wray Vamplew’s typologies of entrepreneurial activity in sport, we compare and contrast the commercial aspects of two World Cups; first, the 1966 tournament held in England, the first time that a serious attempt had been made to produce and licence a mascot character (‘World Cup Willie’) to exploit merchandizing opportunities. This approach became an important part of World Cups thereafter; Second, the 1994 tournament in the USA, the most commercially successful World Cup ever, realizing record profits and catalyzing the re-launch of elite professional soccer in the USA. These cases enrich understanding of the networks and entrepreneurial activity of the World Cup, one of the most significant sporting and cultural mega-event projects in the world.  相似文献   

10.
FIFA was created in Zurich in 1904 in order to oversee international football competitions among eight European states. The fact that FIFA was created by eight European states at the turn of the twentieth century is significant. The geopolitical context of the period is important for understanding FIFA’s pro-colonialist roots. With the exception of Switzerland, all the founding countries of FIFA were colonial powers. FIFA’s foundation coincided with the birth of the study of geopolitics and the perpetuation of control of territories and populations into the twentieth century. These pro-colonial foundations of FIFA are relevant because it would be European powers that originally controlled global football and also sought to block rival countries from other regions within the organization’s power structures. Europeans controlled FIFA through the selection of World Cup places that favoured Europeans. In addition, former colonial powers or ‘historically ‘aggressive racialized states’ have won all World Cup competitions.  相似文献   

11.
The controversial awarding to Qatar of the 2022 FIFA World Cup, the world's most important sporting event alongside the Olympic Games, has emerged as a potential monkey wrench for social and political change. The tournament has to the Qataris' surprise given international trade unions, human rights groups and a reluctant governing world soccer body, Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), leverage they lacked prior to the awarding to pressure Qatar to radically reform the Gulf state's long-criticised labour system. It has also offered critics of the awarding of the event a stick with which to beat Qatar. In response, Qatar has pledged significant reform in a bid to secure achievement of its soft and subtle power goals and fend off demands that would fundamentally alter its political and social structures. In doing so, it is walking a tightrope, balancing the soft power-dictated need to embed itself favourably at multiple levels in the international community and defeat the mounting threat of losing the right to host the World Cup with maintaining a socially and politically restrictive system whose long-term viability is being called into question.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

Previous research has shown that young male soccer players who are born early in a cohort are overrepresented on elite soccer teams. Selection advantages such as this have been termed ‘relative age effects’ (RAEs). Few studies have examined RAEs in elite women's youth soccer. Therefore, the aim of this study is to investigate the occurrence of RAEs in the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) U-17 Women's World Cup competition and their link to playing positions. In the entire cohort of 672 players, we found significant RAEs in the geographical zones of Europe and North and Central America, no RAEs in the zones of Asia, Oceania, and South America, and significant inverse RAEs in the zone of Africa. Additionally, significant RAEs were found for goalkeepers and defenders from Europe and North and Central America. Inverse RAEs occurred for African goalkeepers, defenders, and strikers. Goalkeepers of all zones were significantly taller than players of all other playing positions. The results of this study show that remarkable RAEs do exist at elite women's youth soccer. Similar to men's soccer, there is a bias toward the inclusion of relatively older players, and a link between RAEs and playing positions.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

The 1936 Olympic Games are considered to be the explicit union of sports and politics. Many studies have analysed the accomplishments of Jesse Owens at Hitler’s Olympics. However, football provides another collision between sports and politics at the same Olympic Games, which also impacts the debate regarding the relationship between sports and politics. That relationship is rarely studied. Football had been out of the Olympic programme of the 1932 Los Angeles Games and returned to the programme for the 1936 Berlin Games. However, on its return there was an incident in the match between Peru and Austria in the second round of the tournament. It all started when a spectator invaded the field and kicked an Austrian athlete. The match was restarted and Peru won the game in overtime. After the game the Austrians formalized a protest and FIFA set up a European committee to review the case. Through historical analysis, from official documents and newspapers of that time, this episode showed two points: that FIFA was a Eurocentric entity; and that sports and politics go together, after all, since in the rescheduled new game, Peru, as a protest and in a demand for dignity, withdrew its entire delegation from the Olympic Games.  相似文献   

14.
Abstract

The aim of the present study was to examine the sensitivity of the Soccer Defending Skill Scale (SDSS) using multiple-group analysis and a structured mean model. The data were 469 defending performances in the finals of the FIFA World Cup Korea/Japan 2002TM, which were measured as distances, angles between attackers and defenders, and the number of players using 6-point interval scales. The results of multiple-group analysis indicated that the model, which had factor loading, intercept and factor correlation, and F3/F4/F6 variances invariant across Brazil and Germany, represented the best fit to the data (e.g. Tucker-Lewis index = 1.001, confirmatory fit index = 1.000, root mean square error of approximation = 0.000). Furthermore, the latent mean model comparison between teams revealed significant differences in latent mean with respect to “defence to attackers without the ball” (Brazil < Germany). We conclude that our results provide strong support for the sensitivity of the SDSS.  相似文献   

15.
Abstract

The purpose of the study was to examine of the representation of women athletes during the 2015 FIFA Women’s World Cup. More specifically, we examined how individuals used various event-related hashtags (ie #SheBelieves and #FIFAWWC) on Instagram during the 2015 FIFA Women’s World Cup to frame identity, and challenge or reinforce gender stereotypes from the bottom-up. A content analysis of athlete photos containing #FIFAWWC (n = 706) and athlete photos containing #SheBelieves (n = 629) revealed that users primarily portrayed women athletes as athletically competent. Specifically, nearly 90% of Instagram posts containing either #FIFAWWC or #SheBelieves portrayed athletes in either athletic action or preparing for athletic action. These findings demonstrate that social media provide an opportunity to challenge gender stereotypes in women’s sports and thereby illustrate that social media users are willing to create their own frames around women athletes.  相似文献   

16.
FIFA11+热身练习被证明可以有效降低足球运动员运动损伤的发生率,但是其对高水平女子足球运动员竞技表现的效果还需要进一步研究。本研究旨在探究FIFA11+热身练习对女子甲级足球运动员灵敏和下肢爆发力的急性影响。21名我国女子甲级联赛某球队足球运动员自愿参加本次研究。受试者随机先后进行FIFA11+热身练习(初级)和常规热身。热身前、热身后即刻和热身后15 min,受试者进行反应灵敏、反向纵跳和505灵敏测试。FIFA11+热身练习后即刻受试者反应灵敏和反向纵跳显著提升,505灵敏测试成绩无显著变化,但FIFA11+热身和常规热身间无显著差异(P>0.05)。热身后即刻与热身15 min后的急性影响类似,且FIFA11+热身练习和常规热身间无显著差异(P>0.05)。FIFA11+热身练习的平均心率和主观疲劳度显著高于常规热身。FIFA11+热身练习可以提高女子甲级足球运动员反应灵敏和下肢爆发力的急性表现,且这些急性效果可以持续至少15 min。然而,FIFA11+热身练习的这些急性效果似乎并不优于常规热身练习,且还可能会造成更高的生理和主观负荷。  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

The aim of this study was to examine the match activities of top-class female assistant referees (mean age 34.8 years, s=3.5; stature 1.64 m, s=0.05; weight 58.1 kg, s=7.4; body mass index 21.6 kg · m–2, s=2.4) in relation to the offside line. Computerized match analyses were performed on 14 top-class assistant referees during 10 matches (a total of 20 observations) from the 2006 Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) under-20 Women's World Championship held in Russia. In addition, the position of the second last defensive player of both teams was calculated throughout the matches to determine the distance from the assistant referee to the offside line. The total distance covered during a game was 5594 m (s=473), of which 27% was sideways movements (1492 m, s=135). High-intensity activities (>13 km · h–1) accounted for 1999 m (s=371). Mean distance from the offside line during the entire match was 1.06 m (s=0.26). Total distance covered, high-intensity activities, and distance from the offside line were not different (P>0.05) between the two halves of the game or consecutive 15-min match periods. Our results show that: (1) the kinematic demands placed on top-class female assistant referees are similar to those of top-class male assistant refereeing except for the amount of high-intensity activities, and (2) assistant referees were able to maintain the distance from the offside line during the match, which suggests an ability to keep up with the pace of the play throughout the match.  相似文献   

18.
Scholars of Argentine fútbol have explored the construction of fútbol criollo and how this style of play has factored into the broader debate over national identity in Argentina. Focusing on the performance of the key Argentine personalities at the FIFA World Cup from 1958 to 1990, this essay explores how fútbol represented a contested vision of the nation across five decades. After a 24-year absence at the FIFA World Cup, and in the wake of the overthrow of President Juan Perón, Argentina underachieved at the 1958 tournament. The country would later experience a number of disappointments en route to eventually winning the 1978 and 1986 World Cups. However, across this time span (and beyond) the team’s style of play and identity became the subject of intense debate. Popular discourse revealed a preference between two approaches seemingly in juxtaposition to each other. On the one hand, traditionalists favoured the criollo style, which celebrated the pibe (the young kid from the streets) and the potrero (the dusty fields where fútbol is practised) as emblematic of the nation. These symbols represented the working class and elevated the life of the barrio as an anchor to the nation’s humble beginnings. On the other hand, reformers preferred approaches that proved successful in Europe. Sometimes described by critics as anti-fútbol, the emphasis was on physicality, strict adherence to tactics and data-driven training. Proponents in Argentina equated this European approach to progress and modernity. Between 1958 and 1990, notable Argentine personalities at the FIFA World Cup embodied both of these philosophies.  相似文献   

19.
The development of African football in the international playing arena during the last 25 years has been such that several noted commentators have predicted that the name of an African nation will soon be appearing on the World Cup trophy. [1 Most notably, Walter Winterbottom and Pelé expressed their belief that an African nation would win the World Cup before the new millennium. Such predictions remain unfulfilled, but the assertion of the former FIFA President João Havelange that an African team would qualify for the last four by, at the latest, 2002, was a feat that Cameroon and Senegal both narrowly missed out on during the 1990 and 2002 World Cups respectively. See F. Osman Duodo, ‘On the Threshold of Eating With Kings’, FIFA Magazine, Oct. 1996, 13–14. ] With the exception of Senegal's valiant efforts in reaching the quarter-finals of the 2002 tournament, the relatively weak performances of the continent's other representatives at the two most recent editions of the game's premier international tournament would not appear to bear out this assertion. [2 During France ‘98, only Nigeria qualified for the knock-out phase. At Japan/South Korea 2002 only Senegal reached the latter stages of the competition although the four other teams narrowly failed to progress from the group stages. ] The promise offered by Cameroon's quarter-final appearance at Italia 90, Nigeria and Cameroon's Gold medals at the 1996 and 2000 Olympic football tournament and African successes in FIFA's under-age competitions thus remains unfulfilled. [3 Nigeria and Ghana have twice won the biennial under-17 World Youth Championship since its inauguration in 1985. ] However, the disappointment that greeted the early exits of most of the African representatives in 1998 and 2002 should not conceal the fact that, in a political sense, both tournaments were a major victory for the African game. When one considers that African representation at the World Cup has historically been restricted by a Eurocentric bias at the heart of FIFA, the participation of five nations at both France 98 and Japan/South Korea 2002 allows these tournaments to be viewed as significant milestones for African football. Drawing on analyses of primary archival materials and other sources, this essay examines the ways in which the World Cup Finals, and more specifically, the political debate surrounding the distribution of places for the tournament has come to represent one of the key arena's in which Africa's quest for global football equity has manifested itself. [4 For a discussion of Africa's struggle for global equity within FIFA see P. Darby, Africa, Football and FIFA: Politics, Colonialism and Resistance (London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 2002). ] The essay concludes by assessing the extent to which the discourse on Africa's place at the World Cup can be read as a reflection of broader First World-Third World power relations.  相似文献   

20.
ABSTRACT

This article argues that the decision to award Qatar the World Cup in 2022 will have a lasting impact on the Gulf state. I suggest that hosting the 2022 World Cup is a central part of Qatar’s strategy to announce itself as a legitimate actor on the world stage, one unique amongst other Muslim and Arab nations. I contend that the World Cup is a vital part of this process because it allows Qatar a space that permits the emirate to address specific issues within its society in a manner which coexists with, rather than surrendering to, external values and norms. The article concludes by arguing that if Qatar 2022 is to justify FIFA’s decision to cross one of the last civilizational bridges left in global sport, it will have to demonstrate that the image and reform it presents to the rest of the world are genuine and lasting.  相似文献   

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