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1.
London 2012 was a contradiction of Kipling's meretricious couplet about East and West. What was the response of the East, specifically the South Korean media, to London's selection as the host city of the 2012 Olympics? Furthermore, what were the various viewpoints of the South Korean media regarding the significance of London hosting the Olympic Games hard on the heels of the Beijing Olympics? Answers to these questions can provide insights into the geopolitics and politics of modern South Korea, which has very different relationships with China and Britain. An analysis, macroscopic and microscopic, in terms of politics, economics and culture, of media reactions in South Korea to the Olympics of the two nations can provide illuminating insights into a sports mega-event as an instrument of soft power. 相似文献
2.
Sport and politics have a close relationship. Political conflicts are re-enacted, reflected and reinforced on international sports stages. In East Asia, the past casts a long shadow! It darkened the London 2012 stage. Controversy followed a South Korean football player's celebration at the London Olympics semi-final match between South Korea and Japan. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) banned the player, Park, Jong-woo, from participating in the bronze medal ceremony. He was accused by the IOC of a political act that violated IOC and FIFA regulations. Park's celebration included holding up and carrying around a sign which was interpreted by the IOC as a political message about a South Korean territorial dispute with Japan. The incident became a lead story in the South Korean media. The IOC's decision caused intense nationwide indignation and an outpouring of anti-Japanese sentiment. It was not a unique incident. This essay examines media representations of the incident and how political controversies between South Korea and Japan are reproduced, intensified and exacerbated by media reporting of international sports events. In South Korea, insult was added to injury by the fact that IOC's disapproval of Park's behaviour was contrasted in the South Korean media and by the public with the IOC's silence regarding the Japanese gymnastics team's uniform emblazoned with the ‘Rising Sun’ flag. The evidence from the incident is clear. Mega-sports events can be inflammatory occasions for the expression of hostile and heated political expression. Nowhere is this more the case than in East Asia with its long history of fierce national animosities and memories of national hostilities and humiliations. Throughout East Asia, international sport has become a potent medium for perpetuating painful memories! 相似文献
3.
Sport and politics have a close relationship. Political conflicts are re-enacted, reflected and reinforced on international sports stages. In East Asia, the past casts a long shadow! It darkened the London 2012 stage. Controversy followed a South Korean football player's celebration at the London Olympics semi-final match between South Korea and Japan. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) banned the player Park Jong-woo from participating in the bronze medal ceremony. He was accused by the IOC of a political act that violated IOC and FIFA regulations. Park's celebration included holding up and carrying around a sign, which was interpreted by the IOC as a political message about a South Korean territorial dispute with Japan. The incident became a lead story in the South Korean media. The IOC's decision caused intense nationwide indignation and an outpouring of anti-Japanese sentiment. It was not a unique incident. This essay examines media representations of the incident and how political controversies between South Korea and Japan are reproduced, intensified and exacerbated by media reporting of international sports events. In South Korea, insult was added to injury by the fact that IOC's disapproval of Park's behaviour was contrasted in the South Korean media and by the public with the IOC's silence regarding the Japanese gymnastics team's uniform emblazoned with the ‘Rising Sun’ flag. The evidence from the incident is clear. Mega-sports events can be inflammatory occasions for the expression of hostile and heated political expression. Nowhere is this more the case than in East Asia with its long history of fierce national animosities and memories of national hostilities and humiliations. Throughout East Asia, international sport has become a potent medium for perpetuating painful memories! 相似文献
4.
Brian Bridges 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(3):375-391
This essay examines the complex, and ultimately unsuccessful, negotiations between North and South Korea, undertaken with the encouragement of the International Olympic Committee during 1962–63 to form a united Korean team to participate in the Tokyo Olympics of 1964. In particular, it focuses on the role of Hong Kong, chosen as a ‘neutral’ site for the two Korean delegations to meet. It shows how the IOC's optimism for a ‘sporting’ solution was to founder on continued mutual suspicion and recriminations between the two Koreas and how the Hong Kong government's reluctance to get involved, the US political intervention, and North Korean participation in the GANEFO Games were all to complicate the process. 相似文献
5.
Brian Bridges 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(15):1823-1833
1948 was South Korea's first ever appearance in the Olympics – a poor country, forced to adjust to division on the peninsula, with a limited athletic presence. But South Korea won its first medals and contributed to the tortuous process of securing its international standing. Sixty-four years later, by the time of its second appearance in a London Olympics South Korea had become a powerful economy with a high international profile and a strong athletic representation – coming 5th in the final medal table. This study compares and contrasts not just the two London Olympics in terms of athletic performances but also the changed roles for South Korea within both the global sporting community and broader international society. Despite the continuing division on the peninsula, the two London Olympics provide symbols and markers of the aspirations, achievements and failures of South Korean policy-makers and their people. 相似文献
6.
Cheong Rak Choi 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(15):1854-1866
South Korea has often been considered a successful host nation after the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games and their apparent positive economic, cultural, social and environmental legacies. The purpose of this essay is to offer an analysis of economic growth as a consequence of earlier Olympic Games and to extrapolate to the 2012 London Olympic Games and beyond to the forthcoming 2018 Pyeongchang Winter Olympics. It is the intention of this essay to examine previous studies, economic indices of world banks and reports of each Organising Committee of the Olympic Games (OCOG). The hypothesis is that the Olympic Games have not positively influenced the economic growth of the host nations. The essay explores this conclusion with reference to London 2012. The essay will reveal past negative influences of the Olympic Games and ask the International Olympic Committee (IOC): ‘What is the IOC's responsibility to the host city after the Games?’ Finally, the essay will propose and recommend an economic tool to the IOC to ensure sustainable outcomes after the Games. 相似文献
7.
AbstractMore than six decades after the end of the Korean War (1950–53), the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the Republic of Korea (ROK) continue to face each other across the highly fortified Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) along the 38th parallel on the Korean peninsula. Both Korean governments continue to maintain and reinforce a pan-Korean identity amongst its respective populations. At the same time, both states need to provide its respective citizens with distinct national identities, which obviously requires a politically difficult and highly delicate balancing act. The focus of this paper is on the dominant identity discourses in South Korea. These have been observed, interpreted and analyzed in five international events and festivals that the South hosted over the last three decades: the 1988 Seoul Olympics, the 2002 Soccer World Cup (co-hosted with Japan), the Busan Asian Games in the same year, the 2011 Daegu World Athletic Championships and the 2014 Incheon Asian Games. All these events offered a distinctive nationalist flavour, celebrated tradition and modernity, and emphasized South Korea’s rapid 20th century development and achievements, but also served as a reminder of the ethnic homogeneity of the divided Korean people and the unjust political division of the Korean peninsula. 相似文献
8.
A Game for the Global North: The 2018 Winter Olympic Games in Pyeongchang and South Korean Cultural Politics 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Jung Woo Lee 《国际体育史杂志》2016,33(12):1411-1426
AbstractThe South Korean region of Pyeongchang will host the 2018 Winter Olympic Games. Using Wallerstein’s world system theory and Collins’s notions of zones of prestige and emulation as a conceptual framework, this paper examines the South Korean Government’s intention to stage the winter sporting spectacle. As the Winter Olympics is arguably considered a game for the relatively affluent global north, South Korea, as a semi-core state, attempts to elevate its position to a global economic and cultural powerhouse through being a host of this winter sports mega-event. However, it should be noted that the Winter Olympic Games is an event through which white supremacy and Western cultural hegemony are continuously reinforced. Therefore, the South Korean ambition to enhance its international standing by staging the Winter Olympic Games paradoxically reflects Western cultural imperialism and Orientalism embedded in South Korean cultural politics associated with the winter sporting contest. 相似文献
9.
Modern Korean sports have been adopted mostly from the West, but now Korea has emerged as a sporting power demanding global attention. The influence of historical and political ideology has been in the cultural background of Korean sports development, and the process of cultural evolution in soccer may be explained in the similar context. What helped the Korean soccer team qualify for the World Cup eight consecutive times – only the sixth country in the world to do so – thus making it the most powerful soccer team in Asia? Soccer initially appeared in Korea during the threat of Japanese invasion, and this backdrop provided the opportunity for soccer to be combined with nationalism and transformed into a cultural product that confronted Japanese imperialism. Since the Korean War, South Korean soccer has become a vehicle for ideological confrontation with North Korea amid the atmosphere of the Cold War, and it thus gave rise to sports nationalism by revealing an ideological superiority and nationalistic disposition. Soccer, which arrived in Korea on a British ship, has become a representative Korean sport and continuously challenges the global stage ahead of Asia's leading economic power. It was against the background of such rapid development that nationalism formed. 相似文献
10.
Marcus P. Chu 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(15):1748-1757
Displaying amiability (qinheli) was one of the duties of the Chinese athletes involved in the London 2012 Olympics. Why did the Chinese government ask them to behave in this way? How did the athletes carry out the mandate? Was their amiable performance intended to arouse nationalist sentiment among the Chinese? In response to these questions, two key political preoccupations of the Chinese authorities in the post-London Olympics era are identified: remedying foreigners' negative impressions of China, and gaining a greater input into the decision-making of the International Olympic Committee and its affiliated international sports federations. These objectives are shown to illustrate China's intention to rebuild its international reputation and challenge the status quo of the international sporting community. 相似文献
11.
2012伦敦奥运会筹办最突出的特征是其社会参与的多样性和广泛性。这与其奥运会组织者提出的办一届"每个人奥运会"的愿景具有内在的逻辑联系,旨在让奥运会从筹办开始就成为每一个人可以真切体验的事件,化为自己的生活经历,从而认同和选择奥运所提倡的通过参与体育促进个体发展,改善生活方式的理念。为了保证奥运筹办因社会广泛而多样的参与形成共识和合力,避免可能出现的冲突。伦敦奥运会的组织者为之设立了既能表达意见又能保持共识的法制平台,既分工明确又相互合作的组织机制,鼓励多元共享的参与方式及公开透明的筹办氛围。伦敦奥运会的筹办模式对目前奥运会等大型体育赛事的运作和体育参与中出现的问题,有很强的针对性,值得认真借鉴。 相似文献
12.
Andrea L. Stanton 《国际体育史杂志》2014,31(3):290-305
Since its independence in 1946, Syria has fielded a team for every summer Olympic competition except 1956, yet has won only three Olympic medals. In contrast with its smaller, higher-powered neighbour Lebanon, its participation at the Olympics has been consistent but limited, with the country making little impact internationally. Yet the history of Syria's involvement with the Olympics reflects key elements of its political and social history: its ambitious but short-lived partnership with Egypt, the Baathist-supported promotion of women as athletes and head of the National Olympic Committee and its commitment to participation in the vexed but ideologically important Pan-Arab Games. This article uses official International Olympic Committee publications and related press coverage to examine the history of Syria's involvement with the Olympic Games, the Mediterranean Games and the Pan-Arab Games. It argues that Syria's participation was initially important not for its medal count but for the ‘sign of statehood' that membership in the Olympic community conferred, and that its participation in regional games supported Syria's political positions as a Baathist, Arab republic. It concludes by contending that these political commitments have renewed salience as the conflict in Syria that began in March 2011 continues, and the country's participation in Olympic and regional games becomes increasingly politicised. 相似文献
13.
The Asian Games have exercised an influence over the Asian region which has been strong enough to change the paradigms of host countries having substantial socio-cultural effects on various elements of relationships such as geopolitical diplomatic relations in the region. South Korea has confidently hosted three Asian Games in the last two decades, the 1986 Seoul, 2002 Busan and 2014 Incheon Games. In this study, an investigation of the socio-cultural impacts of the Asian Games held in South Korea in the last two decades is carried out. The focuses of the study are the aspects of globalization, regionalism and reconciliation featured through the three Games. The outcomes of the study may contribute to the understanding of the role of mega sports events in promoting globalization of society and in intertwining with regional states. The Asian Games, as witnessed, which are held while maintaining the motto of the Olympics within Asia, will not only promote the globalization of host countries and cities in the future, but also it will contribute to improving diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries. These games are also predicted to help relieve political tension in the Asia-Pacific region, including the Korean Peninsula. However, as the effects of hosting mega sports events are largely concentrated on the development of their host countries and cities, these events also have the potential to become the seeds of regional conflicts or disputes by creating further competition or a sense of alarm. 相似文献
14.
AbstractOver the last three centuries (nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first) humanity has been facing huge political and ideological conflicts, especially wars. For these reasons, it was seen how necessary it was to create global institutions that aimed to promote peace and reduce or stop conflicts of this magnitude. Therefore, an international institution had already brought on its premises the principles of international peace and reconciliation through sport: the International Olympic Committee (IOC). However, despite bringing together nations around peaceful ties in an international competition, the IOC and the Olympic Games event have always been affected by constant conflicts along their path in the twentieth century, emphasizing issues involving nationalities. Thereby, in a mediator posture of international conflicts and in an effort to reduce the subversions that surrounded it, the IOC, in the 1990s, created the delegation of Independent Olympic Athletes. Such a delegation consists of athletes who cannot represent their respective nationalities at the Olympics due to political factors and/or armament conflicts. This proposal of the IOC demonstrates its posture to avoid, minimize, and even cease ideological and political events that might interfere with the Olympics Games or the athletes participating in them. 相似文献
15.
A number of Olympic studies focus on the relations of the Olympics with nationalism, globalism, cosmopolitism and Olympism. However, the majority of these ‘-ism’ studies focus on the impact of the Games on national integration in the host countries or cities; its transnational connections contribute to the creation of a transnational society and its global consciousness cultivates cosmopolitism. Most studies do not investigate the ‘colonial (re-)connectivity’ of the Olympic Games, which has the potential to affect people's attitude towards the Olympic Games and the host countries or cities. This study attempts to analyse the concept of ‘imagined community’ by measuring how people in Hong Kong (the colonised) display their awareness, motivation and expectation towards the British community (the coloniser) in hosting the London 2012 Olympic Games at the pre-game level. The results, based on a sample of 312 people in Hong Kong, highlight the multidimensionality of identity among different age groups. The London 2012 Olympics was not capable of creating the ‘imagined community’ to foster a coloniser–colonised reunion, but it somehow provided an identity-neutral platform for Hong Kong people to display situational, conditional or even pseudo-nostalgia for the colonial era. 相似文献
16.
Nikoletta Onyestyák 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(7):757-773
Olympic sport is a double-edged sword. It has the potential to bring nations together and to transmit values, but it can also demonstrate international political tensions and conflicting national structural characteristics. As part of the International Olympic Movement from the very beginning, Hungary is one of the few nations to have taken part in the (Summer) Olympic Games in London for the third time. The Olympic presence of Hungary has been almost continuous in spite of the significant transformations of its state ideology, sport structures and political background. In 1908, within the framework of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the Hungarian Kingdom endeavoured to demonstrate its autonomy and courage with its memorable Olympic successes in London. A People's Republic was being formed in Hungary at the time of the second London Olympic Games in 1948. The socialist ideology and the self-display of socialist–communist ambitions characterised the preparation and the participation of the Hungarian athletes. Hungary is celebrating the year of its third London Games with a democratic system in the background, built up from 1989, and a new Constitution adopted in 2011. Furthermore, the Hungarian Sport Act was renewed in 2012, due to which the Hungarian Olympic Committee has gained increased power, which might provide new ways of solving the financial problems within Hungarian elite sport. 相似文献
17.
通过文献资料法、专家访谈法、逻辑分析法等研究方法,分析2012伦敦奥运对我国竞技体育发展的影响,结果显示：2010伦敦奥运对我国竞技体育的发展具有巨大的推动作用。在阅读大量文献资料和专家访谈的基础上,提出了2012伦敦奥运后我国竞技体育发展中所要亟待解决的问题,并提出相应的对策,从而为我国竞技体育的发展提供参考和依据。 相似文献
18.
For Canadians, the enduring late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century debate between adherents of sustained British imperialism and those champions of Canadian sovereignty closed in December 1964 by dint of a Canadian Parliamentary act establishing a new national symbol, one that henceforth removed the British ensign from national flag and federal governmental identifications and replaced it with a simple red maple leaf embossed on a white background between two panels of red. This is the primary identification symbol, the logo, indeed the brand, by which Canada is now recognized throughout the world. The birth of the red maple leaf logo's legitimization in both national and international context points to a role played by the Canadian Olympic Committee, the embryo saga of which was superimposed on the initiatives of the nation's first Olympic team, the aggregation of male athletes that competed in the London Games of 1908. This work argues that the introduction of the red maple leaf as a national symbol of Canada, with respect to the logo's initial international debut at the Games of the Fourth Olympiad celebrated in London in 1908, provided the first in a series of succeeding international Olympic occurrences that lent sustenance to a greater Canadian movement towards neoliberal promoted national self-identity and a commensurate beginning of the erosion of what most Canadians would refer to as ‘Britishness’. 相似文献
19.
Sport is an effective modern means for revealing a country's political preoccupations and geopolitical concerns. For China, Japan and South Korea, the pre-eminent countries in the recent Asian Games, sport has become a sharp tool for promoting nationalism and national identity. There is a history of bitter rivalry between these countries, not least, due to Japan's occupation of Korea and the Second Sino-Japanese War, the largest Asian war in the twentieth century. Consequently, a prominent characteristic of Korean and Chinese nationalism is anti-Japanese antipathy. This essay examines China–Japan–Korea rivalry through global sports events hosted in Asia during the past decade cumulating in the Guangzhou Asian Games. Here, the focus is on the use of these events as manifestations of resentment and revenge arising out of historic rivalries. This use may well grow in intensity as these nations grow in wealth, confidence and power as the EAST ASIAN EPOCH comes closer. This essay is the first to draw attention to the tripartite politics of sport as confrontation in the region's past, present and future. 相似文献
20.
Matti Goksøyr 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(7):805-824
This article studies similarities and disparities between the two nations England and Norway as they could be observed before and during the London 2012 Olympics, and discuss them in the historical perspective of geopolitical and sportive relations. The main perspective is how these relations have been seen and experienced from Norway. The article also studies whether the London Olympics of 2012 did present new forms of relationships between the two geographical neighbours. The article discusses the role of ball games, preferably team handball at the 2012 Games, as one example of where sporting interests differ. The article reflects upon these matters in a historical context. It builds upon traditional historical methods, document and media analysis. It also looks at the 2012 London Olympics against the background of the former London Games of 1908 and 1948, and the overall historical sports relations between England, ‘land of sport’ and a small country like Norway, who generally has been on the receiving end of these interchanges. Such asymmetric relationships invite to a critical use of perspectives like cultural imperialism and post-colonialism. The article discusses whether such perspectives can be fruitful also when one discusses matters between the so-called First World nations. As the title of the article indicates, Norway and England are both close, politically and culturally, while also being strangers to one another, e.g. in parts of the sports culture. The 2012 Olympics seemed to reinforce this impression. 相似文献