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1.
Participation in discussions about the public interest can be enhanced by technology, but can also create an environment in which participants are overwhelmed by the quantity, quality, and diversity of information and arguments. Political participation is at a greater disadvantage than non-political activities in that participants from different parties already start out with established differences, which requires them to reach some form of common ground before progress can be made. Those seeking authentic deliberation are discouraged to participate when confronted with uncivil and inflammatory rhetoric. These issues are often exacerbated in online discussions, where lack of identity cues and low barriers to entry can lead to heightened incivility between participants, often labeled as “flaming” and “trolling”. This paper explores the extent to which moderator systems, tools online discussion forums use to manage contributions, can reduce information overload and encourage civil conversations in virtual discussion spaces. Using the popular website Slashdot as an example of sound moderation in a public discourse setting, we found that users move toward consensus about which and how comments deserve to be moderated. Using these findings, we explore how transferable these systems are for participation in public matters specifically to the unique attributes of political discussion. Slashdot's political forum provides a comparison group that allowed us to find quantitative and qualitative differences in political posting, comments, and moderation. Our results show that large scale, civil participation is possible with a distributed moderation system that enables regularly lively debates to be conducted positively because the system provides tools for people to enforce norms of civility. 相似文献
2.
An experiment was conducted (N = 170) to determine the role of civility and anonymity in online comments received for a news story. Dependent variables were (a) interest in the discussion, (b) favorability toward the comments, (c) favorability toward the commenter, and (d) trust in the information. Participants exposed to uncivil comments viewed the commenter less favorably and reported less trust in the information in the comment. Anonymity had no effect on the dependent variables, in contrast to expectations derived from social presence theory. Findings revealed that politeness of comments affected participants’ overall perceptions of the content of the online discussion. 相似文献
3.
Past research on meaningful media has shown that the experience of elevation can foster increased feelings of connection to others due to the affective states that meaningful media elicit. However, what happens when inspiring media are accompanied by cues related to the opinion of others? Does the presumed opinion of the audience moderate the affective indicators or behavioral effects of elevation? An online experiment was conducted to answer these questions using a 2 (news type: inspiring vs. non-inspiring control)?×?3 (comment type: civil vs. uncivil vs. no comment control) between-subjects design. Results revealed that news articles accompanied by either civil or uncivil comments elicited lower affective states associated with elevation. Furthermore, civil comments increased universal orientation through the mediating pathway of bandwagon support. 相似文献
4.
Hamideh Molaei 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(5):490-504
This paper aims to investigate the level of civility of Indonesians' political discussions on Facebook. Civility, which has always been an important concept in online political discussion, is particularly significant when there is diversity of opinions and disputation. While previous studies have focused more upon factors such as anonymity's role and its relevance to civility, this paper proposes two further important factors: (1) diversity of opinion and disagreement in discussion and (2) the cultural context of the country and how it determines civility and politeness in online debate. Qualitative content analysis of Indonesians' political discussions on Facebook revealed that polarized political views and the people's politeness culture were two significant factors underpinning the high level of civility in political discussion. 相似文献
5.
Using 23 novel indicators and a 1,000+ sample representative of a full undergraduate population we examined: how much consensus there was about perceptions of the incivility/civility of various categories of speech/behavior; and whether political incivility is a unidimensional or multidimensional latent construct. Confirmatory factor analyses suggest perceived political incivility is a multidimensional construct. Insulting utterances, deception, and behaviors tending to shut down inclusive ongoing discussion can be treated as distinct, underlying aspects of incivility. More than 75% of respondents viewed all 23 indicators, except issue-oriented attacks, as very, mostly, or somewhat uncivil. If replicated on a representative national sample, standardized indicators of political incivility should be constructed and routinely employed in national surveys of political attitudes and behavior. 相似文献
6.
Sai Wang 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2020,64(2):173-192
ABSTRACT An online experiment was conducted to examine how the presumed effects of uncivil news comments on other users would influence perceivers’ intention to engage in restrictive or corrective counteractive measures. The results showed that exposure to uncivil comments reduced social desirability and heightened the presumed impact of the comments on others, which, in turn, promoted individuals’ willingness to support comment censorship (restrictive actions) and engage in comment moderation (corrective actions). The study findings provided empirical evidence for an explanation of the relationship between the presumed media influence on others and behavioral responses. 相似文献
7.
Cyberbalkanization has growingly become common on the Internet and can lead to public’s opinion polarization. This study investigates a specific process of cyberbalkanization through which incivility is circulated within online communities. From a dataset of Hong Kong-based Facebook Pages collected during a social movement, a set of politically-organized communities was identified and their connectivity generated a post-sharing network. A random sample of contents shared between and within these communities was then manually classified based on the level of incivility. The targets of offence through the use of uncivil language were also coded. Contents shared within ideologically compatible communities were found to be more likely to be uncivil. The association was significantly more positive in a populistic community, of which members had unique political nature and cultural norms. The targets were usually political opponents and incivility was adopted to petition detractors from within-community discussions. We therefore suggest ‘echoslamming’ is an online phenomenon through which uncivil contents catalyse anger toward political opponents among ideologically congruent information sources and consequently reinforce the audience’s predilection. Such a mechanism can be one underlying explanation for a vicious circle of cyberbalkanization-induced polarization on political opinions. 相似文献
8.
In Taiwan, 25 professional female journalists were interviewed, to understand how they negotiate gender and professional identities online and offline through the lens of Shoemaker and Reese’s media routines and the socialization theory as articulated by Rodgers and Thorson. The findings suggest that while Taiwanese women journalists found that gender in some aspects of reporting is an asset, gendered harassment online and incivility in the digital sphere are important issues with which they have to contend. Comments on stories and professional identities online primarily focused on their looks and physical attributes. They were openly uncivil and abusive. Such incivility affected normal journalistic routines and prevented them from being impartial conveyors of information. Not just online abuse but cultural norms that expect women to be subservient deterred them from promoting stories on personal social media and negatively affected their coverage of controversial issues. In some cases, though gender provided certain advantages, the participants were aware that these gains were limited and ultimately patriarchal in nature. Although the study’s primary focus is on Taiwan, the analysis is applicable beyond national boundaries. 相似文献
9.
This study analyzes online reader comments on top US newspapers’ stories related to former congressman, Anthony Weiner’s, August 2016 sexting scandal. Audience gatekeeping was seen through such discussion themes as gender bias and sexism, political scandals, and sex addiction. The analysis revealed that the majority of reader comments significantly diverged from the news topic, and many comments about US politicians were uncivil. Furthermore, online discussions “drowned out” newspapers’ intended message about Weiner’s inclusion of his toddler son into a sexually explicit selfie. This study argues that online commentary should not be perceived as a dichotomy—a negative or positive development, a contributor or preventer of public discourse—but rather as a continuum of citizen engagement. 相似文献
10.
Merlyna Lim 《International Information and Library Review》2013,45(2-4):233-248
For decades following independence, informational media in Indonesia developed parallel with the interests of the state that made use of the media as a means to legitimize and maintain its identity as a progressive ‘‘developmental state’’. The Internet, which came to Indonesia during the early phase of the political crisis in the 1990s, economically and politically has risen to become an alternative media that is no longer under state control, thus bolstering civil society in its resistance to state and corporate domination. Based on Indonesia's experience, this paper describes how the Internet provides means for popular resistance to the dominant paradigm. 相似文献
11.
Lotta Lounasmeri 《Journalism Practice》2017,11(10):1302-1318
When societal elites seem to be in consensus about a political issue, journalism traditionally takes on a more conservative role in organising public discussion. For an issue to become controversial in mainstream media, a crisis of some kind is often needed, followed by lack of consensus among the different elites. This article uses coverage of globalisation in Finland’s most influential newspaper to see if the theory of the spheres of public discussion can be applied to a particular journalistic culture. The model is used to see how media treat elite and non-elite actors who wish to participate in public discussion. In order to draw conclusions about how the media operate regarding giving voice to dissent or upholding the status quo in society, it is necessary to take into account the historical and social context of the relationship between a country’s media and the state. 相似文献
12.
An experiment (N = 272) demonstrated that disagreement—either civil or uncivil—may have a chilling effect on the public discourse vital to a deliberative democracy. Both forms of disagreement—in comments posted on a news story about abortion—caused negative emotion and aggressive intentions. However, only uncivil disagreement led people to respond back uncivilly and indirectly led to greater intention to participate politically, if it aroused aggressive feelings. Findings support extending face and politeness theories to the computer-mediated space of online commenting. Results are discussed in relation to the impact on the public discourse. 相似文献
13.
Brian L. Ott 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2017,34(1):59-68
This essay explores the changing character of public discourse in the Age of Twitter. Adopting the perspective of media ecology, the essay highlights how Twitter privileges discourse that is simple, impulsive, and uncivil. This effect is demonstrated through a case study of Donald J. Trump's Twitter feed. The essay concludes with a brief reflection on the end times: a post-truth, post-news, President Trump, Twitter-world. 相似文献
14.
Xiaodong Yang Agnes S. F. Chuah Edmund W. J. Lee Shirley S. Ho 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(3):403-426
This research—a pilot study on the cognitive mediation model (CMM) in Singapore—seeks to revisit and test the applicability of an extended CMM in the context of nanotechnology by examining perceived familiarity as a separate outcome variable in addition to factual knowledge. A cross-sectional survey was administered to a nationally representative sample of 719 adult Singaporeans. Results demonstrated partial support for the hypothesized CMM. First, elaboration was positively associated with both factual knowledge and perceived familiarity, whereas interpersonal discussions about science was associated only with familiarity. Results also showed differential relationships between attention to media platforms (traditional vs. new media) and reflective integration (composed of elaborative processing and interpersonal discussion); whereas attention to science reporting in newspapers and science television programs were associated with elaboration, media attention across all platforms were associated with interpersonal discussions. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. 相似文献
15.
This study extends the cognitive mediation model (CMM) by examining the role of social media in cultivating public science knowledge. A sample of 901 Singaporeans was collected through an online survey panel. The results showed that the CMM could be applied to a social media context with a focus on science literacy. Specifically, the findings indicated that people with higher levels of surveillance gratification and social utility motivations tended to pay more attention and to elaborate more about science news that they encounter on social media. Likewise, people with greater social utility motivation tended to engage in greater interpersonal discussions on social media. Notably, attention to news on social media had an indirect association with science knowledge through news elaboration and interpersonal discussion on social media. Implications for theory and practice for science communication were discussed. 相似文献
16.
Brendan Maartens 《Media History》2015,21(3):328-341
This article examines the promotion of civil defence or ‘national service’ in interwar Britain. Analysing a recruitment campaign organised by the Chamberlain government in 1938–1939, it explores how civil defence was promoted in newspapers, posters, leaflets, guides, radio broadcasts, speeches and rallies, and how recruiters planned and executed the campaign. Existing literature has tended to focus on the role of national servicemen and servicewomen in wartime, but little is known about how these individuals were persuaded to join up before the war began or how national service was itself presented in the media. Through an analysis of official files, correspondence, advertisements and public relations, this article argues that the campaign for national service was not simply intended to attract new recruits, but to cement in Britain the notion that any future conflict would represent a ‘people’s war’ in which each citizen would contribute an equal share towards victory. 相似文献
17.
In the new media environment, hard news stories are no longer found solely in the “A” section of the paper or on the front page of a news Web site. They are now distributed widely, appearing in contexts as disparate as a partisan blog or your own e-mail inbox, forwarded by a friend. In this study, we investigate how the credibility of a news story is affected by the context in which it appears. Results of an experiment show a news story embedded in an uncivil partisan blog post appears more credible in contrast. Specifically, a blogger's incivility highlights the relative credibility of the newspaper article. We also find that incivility and partisan disagreement in an adjacent blog post produce stronger correlations between ratings of news and blog credibility. These findings suggest that news story credibility is affected by context and that these context effects can have surprising benefits for news organizations. Findings are consistent with predictions of social judgment theory. 相似文献
18.
Guided by the belief that anonymity inevitably breeds the kind of uncivil discourse that hurts their readers, many news organizations have chosen to ban anonymous comments sections on their websites in recent years. Unfortunately, little empirical research has been conducted to assess whether exposure to anonymous comments actually does influence people's attitudes. In this paper, we address this oversight by asking: do anonymous comments posted on a newspaper website shape how internet users feel about the media? Using an online experiment to systematically manipulate exposure to anonymous comments attached to a “hard news” report, we find strong evidence that exposure to non-attributed posts—regardless of their tone—leads internet users to feel more negatively towards specific news organizations and the media in general. 相似文献
19.
Wilhelm Peekhaus 《Government Information Quarterly》2011,28(4):542-552
This paper examines the difficulties encountered by Biowatch, a South African civil society environmental organization, in its attempts to obtain access to government information in respect of genetically engineered plants. After establishing the context of South Africa's access to information regime, including a brief discussion of several of its weaknesses, the paper engages in an extended account of the Biowatch case as an exemplar of some of the more pronounced challenges to the effective implementation of the country's access to information legislation. The elaboration of the case is based on interviews conducted with the Director of Biowatch and counsel from the Legal Resources Centre that aided Biowatch, as well as various internal and court documents provided by Biowatch and its lawyers. 相似文献
20.
Paul Frosh 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(4):265-284
In most traditional accounts, to be a witness is to be physically present at an event and report it to those who are absent. The ontological principle that authorizes testimony is the individual's corporeal presence at the event, a presence often vouchsafed by the suffering of the witnessing body. The logical extension of this is that media audiences are not the witnesses of the events they see, but the recipients of someone else's testimony. I take issue with such an account, claiming that contemporary witnessing has become a general mode of receptivity to electronic media reports about distant others. Replacing the ontological primacy of the witness with the interpretive encounter with “witnessing texts,” I focus on these texts’ world-making properties and the imaginative demands they make of their addressees. Mass media witnessing situates this imaginative engagement with others within an impersonal framework of “indifferent” social relations, creating a ground of civil equivalence between strangers that is morally enabling. 相似文献