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1.
Charlene Tan 《Prospects》2010,40(4):465-480
This paper critically discusses the educational policy trajectories of Singapore and Cambodia in an era of globalization.
Drawing upon David Johnson’s five metaphors to describe the historical and political forces that shape educational policy
trajectories, the paper argues that Cambodia’s current educational policy trajectory is characterized by the “politics of
compelling” while Singapore’s situation is more akin to the “politics of selling”. In Singapore, the politics of selling intersects
with the politics of gelling, in which various interest groups are encouraged to work together to strengthen the new economy
of knowledge. The paper raises a common challenge for Singapore and Cambodia: to shift from a traditional teacher-centred
and textbook-based approach to a more student-centred and ICT-based approach in a globalized world. The last section of this
paper explores the possibility of addressing this challenge through gelling, by setting a new agenda for education, one that
combines foreign and indigenous sources of knowledge from various interest groups. 相似文献
2.
Molly N. N. Lee 《Asia Pacific Journal of Education》1997,17(1):27-40
This article examines the relationship between educational development and the role of the State in Malaysia. The focus is on the major shift in educational policies towards democratisation, decentralisation and privatisation of the Malaysian education system in the post-NEP (New Economic Policy) era. The article argues that the nature of the State has changed over historical periods depending on the condensation of power among the competing groups in this multi-ethnic society. The recent political developments in Malaysia show the emergence in the 1990s of a “developmental State” which perceives education as a means of human resource development as it strives towards rapid urbanisation, industrialisation and globalisation of the Malaysian economy. 相似文献
3.
This paper explores the making of the National Qualifications Framework (NQF) in South Africa, and asks how a policy that was intended to unite education and training, and build new forms of equality, failed to become hegemonic as the new state established itself. In so doing, it engages, and argues for, theoretical tools that help keep ‘the state’ at the centre of policy analysis. The paper explores a rupture within the NQF between the fields of education and training by examining practices through which the policy developed between 1985 and 2007. Informed by involvement in these events, the author draws on data gathered from documents and interviews with over 70 participants engaged in making the NQF. Using a conceptual vocabulary derived from Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory the paper analyses the way social antagonisms were constructed and political frontiers drawn in changing political conditions [Laclau, E., Mouffe, C., 1985. Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Towards a Radical Democratic Politics. Verso, London]. The paper argues that the emergence, development and rupture in the NQF can be explained in relation to shifting hegemonic practices that sought to organise social relations throughout the transition and within the post-apartheid era. The policy is portrayed as a feature of the political transition, marking the articulation of elements within the fields of education and training by hegemonic formations concerned with securing a democratic economy within a global market. The analysis runs that there has been a failure to maintain hegemony and that a rupture has occurred along a fault line within the South African state between practices building a corporatist state and those constructing a developmental state. The paper argues that the fractures built into the South African NQF point to complex challenges that states ‘at the margins’ face when simultaneously articulating with differing, contradictory globalised practices, whilst also seeking to build equitable national education systems. Local concerns remain significant in struggles to re-make the state, and education and training policy. 相似文献
4.
This article combines a historical with a social/political anthropological framework to examine the role played by the transfer of educational discourse between the United States‐based Phelps‐Stokes Fund and the Belgian Ministry of Colonies in the formulation of the colonial education policy of “adapted education” in the 1920s. The author argues that the transfer of racialized discourses of education and educational language was instrumental in the political governance of both metropole and colony as well as in improving the image of Belgian colonialism in the international political arena. In particular, the author emphasizes the political clout of the Catholic Party and the role played by two problems that ascended to the center stage of Belgian national politics after World War I (i.e. the cost of rebuilding the country and the so‐called “Flemish problem”) to show how colonial educational policy, and national and international politics are interconnected. 相似文献
5.
Ken Dovey 《International Journal of Lifelong Education》2013,32(5):353-369
The article explores the possibilities for South Africa as a learning nation given its historical context and current attempts to transform its political and social structures. It argues that the satisfaction of international criteria by which a learning society is judged, will depend upon the acceptance and promotion of non‐formal educational processes throughout South Africa, given the damage done to the formal education system by the policy of apartheid between 1948 and 1988. Through a case study of transformational learning at the Mercedes Benz plant in the city of East London, the article explores the contribution that non‐formal education agencies can make (via the workplace) to the achievement of learning society status by South Africa. It argues that similar possibilities exist in other non‐formal learning contexts ranging from sports organizations to performing arts councils. The paper concludes that whilst South Africa is still far from qualifying as a learning nation, it has one of the most important pre‐requisites ‐ the political and societal will to develop a culture of learning in the country. 相似文献
6.
Ove Skarpenes 《Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research》2014,58(6):713-733
This paper puts forward the hypothesis that in recent decades, pupils of schools in the western world have been given a new form of individuality. This construction has been nourished by both the demand for emancipation as it was expressed in the critical sociology of education (and pedagogy) and by the neoliberal turn in education policy. It unfolds consequences of such an alliance between romantic and neoliberal individualism, and argues that some of Simmel's concepts might fruitfully be engaged to grasp important aspects of today's educational culture. Against this backdrop, the paper discusses the construction of the new individuality in regard to educational changes in control and discipline, individually adapted education and assessment and finally academic knowledge. Primarily by using examples from the Norwegian case, the paper analyses how recent opinions on these issues can be viewed as different expressions of an educational culture promoting alienation as emancipation. 相似文献
7.
Kalervo N Gulson 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(2):141-158
Little attention has been paid to the relationship between policy and space in the sociology of education. This paper analyses the relationships between educational policy change, in the form of the Excellence in cities policy initiative, and urban change in inner London. I propose, and apply, a framework for a spatialised policy analysis explicitly linking space and policy. I suggest that the intersections of policy, schools, place and space provide new opportunities to explore the interconnection of educational policy change and urban change. I argue that relationships between physical locations and students are significant enabling and disabling factors in neo‐liberal educational policy‐making. These relationships form what I term the educational renovation of identity. 相似文献
8.
Graham K. Brown 《Prospects》2011,41(2):191-204
This article examines the ways in which education and educational policy impact upon the likelihood and dynamics of violent
conflict. It argues that education is rarely directly implicated in the incidence of violent conflict but identifies three
main mechanisms through which education can indirectly accentuate or mitigate the risk of conflict: through the creation and
maintenance of socio-economic divisions, including horizontal inequalities between ethnic groups; through processes of political
inclusion and exclusion; and through accommodation of cultural diversity. It further suggests that designing conflict-sensitive
education systems is particularly problematic because the implications of these three principal mechanisms often pull in different
directions. 相似文献
9.
Alan Reid 《The Australian Educational Researcher》2013,40(3):281-297
Australians live at a time when the quality of discussion in the public sphere and within the institutions of the state is at a very low ebb; when policy making is dictated by short term political cycles, spin and focus groups; and when notions of the public good are set aside in favour of self-interest. This paper is based on the premise that if one of the historic purposes of education is to renew the public, then education holds the key to improving the quality of public discourse. However since education policy making in contemporary times is also caught up in the processes which diminish public discourse, the challenge is to find ways to break this vicious cycle. This paper argues that one of the factors contributing to this state of affairs is the influence of what is currently passing for educational ‘research’. It traces the ways in which unrefereed consultant and think-tank research has captured policy makers and some sections of the media, and shows—using a recent influential research report as a case study—how such research often does not stand up to critical review. The purpose in questioning the rigour of such research is based on the conviction that a process of reinvigorating and deepening public debate about education must be based on quality research. The paper concludes by suggesting some ways by which the education research community can contribute to the process of renewing the public. 相似文献
10.
This paper argues that globalisation has implications for research and theory in the social sciences, demanding that the social no longer be seen as homologous with nation, but also linked to postnational or global fields. This situation has theoretical and methodological implications for comparative education specifically focused on education policy, which traditionally has taken the nation-state as the unit of analysis, and also worked with ‘methodological nationalism’. The paper argues that globalisation has witnessed a rescaling of educational politics and policymaking and relocated some political authority to an emergent global education policy field, with implications for the functioning of national political authority and national education policy fields. This rescaling and this reworking of political authority are illustrated through two cases: the first is concerned with the impact of a globalised policy discourse of the ‘knowledge economy’ proselytised by the OECD and its impact in Australian policy developments; the second is concerned explicitly with the constitution of a global education policy field as a commensurate space of equivalence, as evidenced in the OECD’s PISA and educational indicators work and their increasing global coverage. The paper indicatively utilises Bourdieu’s ‘thinking tools’ to understand the emergent global education policy field and suggests these are very useful for doing comparative education policy analysis. 相似文献
11.
Mary Darmanin 《International Studies in Sociology of Education》2013,23(1-2):59-85
ABSTRACT This article takes up Ozga & McNay's (1985, p. 4) challenge to bring together case study analysis and sociological perspectives on policy making. It starts with a theoretical position which seeks to benefit from materialist and pluralist theories and then uses the case study to validate the position. The Maltese case of planning for Secondary Education for All (1970) demonstrates the inter‐relatedness of the macro necessities of resource and political imperatives with the micro contingencies (Jessop, 1985) of policy making, including the impact of external pressure groups and the input of state managers. Based on the planning papers and departmental files of a national system, the article is able to investigate the details of the policy process itself, relating it always to the macro structure of the Maltese educational conjuncture in the period under review. It is found that in state policy making national interests such as the expansion of the system to provide secondary education for all, are constantly challenged by private interests. For this reason the interaction between interest groups and state managers has been given prominence here. 相似文献
12.
William Paul Wanker 《Interchange》1992,23(1-2):25-40
This paper examines the relationship between learning and governing. It does so by positing that systems of social organization become reflective of theories of mind. It argues that, as systems of higher education are institutions most reflective of mind, the organization of higher education becomes a critical factor in determining and securing the strength of democratic systems of governance. The paper presents this theory in terms of philosophical argument, historical analyses, and present political practices. It sets out specific recommendations for designing systems of higher education that might reflect the comprehensive mental operations and thereby enhance democratic rule. And it builds upon such discoveries to suggest new forms of governance that might enfranchise rather than alienate diverse population groups. 相似文献
13.
P. Taylor Webb Kalervo Gulson Viviana Pitton 《Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education》2014,35(1):31-44
The paper argues that neo-liberal education policy has capitalized on a historical concern to care for the self, or the Greek epimeleia heautou. We discuss epimeleia heautou in relation to education policies that emphasize greater choice in curriculum offerings, and in relation to school choice policies more generally. Thus, a premise of our argument is that school choice policies accommodate a much greater range of selves to be cared for. The analysis examines the neo-liberal subject, homo ?conomicus, in relation to education policy that produces choices of the self and choices for its care. We conclude by discussing conceptions of the self in relation to two aporias of neo-liberal educational equality produced through ethnic-specific schools. 相似文献
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Increasing attention to climate change and the current global economic crisis has underscored the need for approaches to education that equip and empower people of all ages to deal with uncertain environmental, economic and political futures. A range of educational and research initiatives already exist which could support this aim, however, policy and discussion continue to focus on technical solutions or ‘knowledge transfer’ without seriously engaging with the content of education. This paper suggests that education responses are needed which attend to provision of both appropriate educational infrastructure and relevant knowledge and skills. It also explores the connections between education for sustainable development (ESD) and education quality, and argues that these frameworks already support potentially effective education responses to climate change. 相似文献
17.
Denis O'Sullivan 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(5):445-469
This paper treats the OECD report on Irish education Investment in Education published in 1965 as a ‘cultural stranger’ and assesses its contribution to Irish educational policy up to the present. Widely regarded as a major modernizing force in Irish society, this report is perceived to have confronted, penetrated, and changed the insular paradigms governing Irish educational policy, in particular replacing the personal development with the human capital paradigm as the institutional rationale for education. The influence of Investment in Education is situated within the economic reconstruction that commenced in the late 1950s, and the lack of contestation and the role of interest groups within the state apparatus and beyond are analysed. The expansion of the human capital paradigm to incorporate commercial, vocational, and market interpretations of schooling and the impact of these on the structuration of consciousness within the educational policy‐making community are described. The conclusion locates these developments in Irish education within their comparative context. 相似文献
18.
Kathryn Shine 《Educational studies》2013,39(4):385-398
News media coverage on education plays a “uniquely important role in shaping public opinion”, can influence educational policy, and can affect and concern teachers. Yet, research examining how teachers have been represented in the news is scarce. What is particularly scarce are investigations with a historical dimension. The study reported in this paper is offered as a contribution towards rectifying the deficit and pointing the way towards one of a number of avenues of research that other scholars in the field could take for various contexts (including different countries) and time periods. It is part of a much larger study whose aim was to provide a historical analysis of The West Australian newspaper’s representation of teachers in its reporting of five major educational developments in the State of Western Australia that were the subject of sustained coverage at various times between 1987 and 2007. The specific topic which is the focus of the analysis presented in this paper is “standardized testing”. 相似文献
19.
The State and Catholic Schooling in England and Wales: Politics,ideology and mission integrity 总被引：1，自引：1，他引：0
Gerald Grace 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(4):489-500
Changing relations between the English State and the Roman Catholic Church in the sphere of education policy are examined in two historical periods. Between the 1870s and the 1970s, despite initial anti-Catholic prejudice, the Catholic hierarchy was able to negotiate a favourable educational settlement in which substantial public funding was obtained without serious loss of autonomy and mission integrity for the Catholic schooling system. The existence of a liberal State, a voluntarist tradition in schooling and the relative social and political unity of the Catholic community all contributed towards this settlement. The inauguration of an ideologically 'Strong State' in the 1980s and 1990s, pursuing an interventionist strategy in education driven by New Right market doctrines, threatened the whole basis of this settlement. The Catholic hierarchy had to develop new strategies to respond to this situation, complicated by the fact that the Catholic community was now more socially differentiated and more divided on key education policy questions. 相似文献
20.
Judit Novak 《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2013,45(12):1262-1272
This article takes the interlinkages between law and politics as its starting point. It analyzes recent changes in the legislative style of education governance in Sweden as not only a species of crisis management, but also a long-term response to a series of tensions arising out of the push toward what has been identified as ‘juridification’ in many Western nations—the reliance on law and judicial means for addressing core moral predicaments, public policy questions, and political controversies. The article outlines the notion of juridification at a theoretical level and highlights juridification processes and their possible ramifications on education. It argues that recent changes in the legislative style of education governance in Sweden not only reveal much about the commitments and implicit assumptions of modern regulatory and evaluative regimes, but also reflect the general impact of the rationalization of social and political life on the organization of government. The article provides a case with which to examine some of the theoretical underpinnings and implicit conceptual assumptions of modern regulatory and evaluative regimes as well as educational institutions’ relationships with the State. It shows that regulatory frameworks define the conceptualizations of what educational institutions do and thus of what actually gets done. 相似文献