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1.
文章分析了劳动力素质对我国经济发展的影响和对策。指出：不断提高劳动力素质对我国经济发展具有重要意义，而我国劳动力素质的现状不容乐观，存在许多问题，对我国国民经济的发展形成了较大的负面影响；探索开发和提高我国劳动力素质的对策已成为当务之急。 相似文献
2.
试析当前湖北劳动力素质结构 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
陈新文 《襄樊职业技术学院学报》2005,4(6):22-24
近年来，湖北经济增长率结束了长时期的下降而开始出现回升，经济发展的状况对全省劳动力就业形势构成了较大影响。表现为经济结构的调整带来了就业形势的变化，并进而影响劳动力素质结构的变化。 相似文献
3.
李雪萍 《四川师范大学学报(社会科学版)》1996,(4)
劳动力自由流动是建立社会主义劳动力市场的内在要求。劳动力自由流动的前提条件是劳动力供应者是具备理性行为的自由人，应具备一定的经济保障能力。从需求角度看，用人单位需建立劳动力自由流动、自由招聘和自由解聘的内在机制，这一要靠企业经济行为的独立化，二要靠企业良好的经营成效。而劳动力流动所需的市场条件，一是健全的市场服务体系，二是市场健康、有序运行的保障机制 相似文献
4.
农村富余劳动力就地转移是农民易于接受的转移方式，而且对推进农业科技进步和缓解城市过度膨胀的压力具有重要意义。但是，农村职业教育的现状与农村劳动力就地转移的要求存在较大差距，急需深化改革，优化办学理念，强化培训功能，调整供给内容，加大扶持力度。 相似文献
5.
界定劳动力价值数量的一种思路及其现实意义 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
在形成弱势群体的原因中，劳动力的价格被压低到它的价值以下是重要的原因之一，所以，探索保护弱势群体利益的途径必然要考虑到这方面的因素，尤其是其中有关劳动力价值的数量界定问题。在经济学说史上，马克思虽然对劳动力价值的数量给予了科学的界定，但由于其理论的发展还处在较为抽象的层次上，有许多影响劳动力价值数量的具体因素还尚未考虑，界定的结果自然与现实存在着较大的差距。本文立足于现实，对理解马克思关于劳动力价值的数量界定提出了新的思路，并对这项研究的现实意义做了基本阐述。 相似文献
6.
从劳动力市场分割理论谈大学生自愿性失业 总被引：3，自引：1，他引：3
从我国目前提供的就业岗位数量来看，大学生还是有较大的就业空间，但事实是有很大比例的大学生宁愿选择暂时失业也不去这些岗位就业。这一现象是与我国特殊的城乡劳动力市场分割密切相关的。必须打破目前的这种劳动力市场分割状态，对大学生就业市场进行调控。 相似文献
7.
按劳分配原则存在着理论和现实的矛盾。社会主义市场经济要求劳动力要素市场配置，从而使劳动力成为商品。在劳动力成为商品的条件下，按劳分配也就转化为按劳动力价值分配。提倡按劳动力价值分配，对加快社会主义市场经济的发展具有重大意义。 相似文献
8.
陈新文 《职教通讯(江苏技术师范学院学报)》2005,(2):15-17
随着经济全球化程度的提高,劳动力供求不平衡的矛盾不断加剧,劳动力素质与岗位需要不相适应的矛盾也变得更加突出,劳动力市场发生了较大变化.这种变化不仅带来了严重的就业问题,更对职业教育的发展与改革提出了挑战. 相似文献
9.
一般来说，农业劳动力过剩是发展中国家一个普遍的现象。我国12亿人口，80％以上分布在农村。我国劳动力的分布与人口分布也基本一致。现在农村劳动力每年新增1300多万人，累计大约有2．3亿剩余劳动力。大量剩余劳动力的出现，严重限制农业劳动生产的提高，阻碍农业生产手段现代 相似文献
10.
王军 《石家庄师范专科学校学报》2000,2(1):18-20
劳动力流动规律是指劳动随着国民经济各部门的技术基础的变更，产业结构的变更和劳动力自身通过教育使自己劳动技能提高，不断流到最适合的就业岗位上去，以达到劳动力与生产资料动态的最优配置，劳动力流动规律要符合劳动力供求关系；劳动力流动要适应客观要求；高，中级专业技术人才有三大合理流向，只有完善的立法保障，才能排除劳动力合理的流动的障碍，使之能够促进我国社会经济的发展。 相似文献
11.
Diversity,specialisation and equity in education 总被引：2，自引：2，他引：0
School diversity in the UK is not a new phenomenon. However, recent reforms to ‘modernise’ the secondary school system towards greater diversity of provision, primarily in England, needs to be explored in more detail. The article begins by proposing three phases in the development of state‐funded school diversity and provision between 1944 and 1997. It then goes on to consider such reforms with the introduction of a Labour government in 1997. We argue that school diversity under New Labour represents a distinct fourth phase within this broad policy agenda. While there is some continuity in the expansion of school diversity this most recent phase is characterised by greater governmental intervention and a stronger commitment to provide greater resources for schools in disadvantaged communities. However, the paper then critically analyses the relationship between recent programmes of education diversity and equity. In particular, we go on to discuss the extent to which critics’ fears about the emergence of a two‐tier system are justified. We conclude that while the fourth phase in the UK school diversity agenda may aim to be more equitable, complementary and collaborative it perhaps fails to recognise that the education system today is more competitive and consumer‐led. 相似文献
12.
New Labour and teacher education: the end of an era 总被引：3，自引：3，他引：0
John Furlong 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(1):119-134
This paper traces the development of teacher education policy during the first two terms of the New Labour government. It argues that there is substantial evidence to support the claim that during their two terms of office, New Labour forged a policy on teacher education that was distinctively different from the Conservative administrations that preceded them. Like the Conservatives, they have seen the maintenance of a competitive market as essential for the governance of the system. But beyond that, they have significantly moved away from a concern with individual professional formation; individual professional formation has been seen as far less critical than it was, especially at the level of initial training. In the lives of young teachers, the state now provides far greater direct guidance than ever before in the definition of effective teaching, learning and assessment in both primary and secondary schools. And at more senior levels, opportunities for extended professional development are increasingly focused on and achieved through the school as an institution. Teacher education itself is no longer seen as a key site for the ‘re‐formation’ of professionalism. As a result, teacher education is no longer accorded the key political significance that it had under the Conservatives. In this sense, New Labour policies mark ‘the end of an era’. 相似文献
13.
This paper examines New Labour's curriculum policies since its election to office in May 1997. It begins with an overview of the curriculum legacy inherited by New Labour from the previous Conservative government. New Labour's curriculum polices are then analysed in relation to the continuities and disjunctures with those of its predecessor. It is argued that under New Labour ‘standards’ has replaced ‘curriculum’ as the discursive hub of educational policy making. This discursive shift has led to the government imposing greater control over classroom pedagogy in order to meet prespecified educational targets. Moreover, it has engendered policies that substantially erode the principle of a broad and balanced curriculum entitlement, generally regarded one of the redeeming features of the 1988 Education Reform Act. The paper concludes with some tentative suggestions for a conception of curriculum that will more effectively meet the challenges of the 21st century 相似文献
14.
司美丽 《河北师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2002,25(2):44-47
英国工党诞生后镜意向政坛进军，取代自由党进入英国两党制轨道。二战后工党上台执政推行国有化和福利政策，取得很大成就，迫使保守党向工党政策趋同。70年代末，英国爆发经济危机，保守党经先改革，推行新自由主义政策，激活了经济。为摆脱18年在野的困境，工党进行政策革新，从而赢得1997年大选的胜利，重新上台执政，现在是工党向保守党政策趋同。 相似文献
15.
Margaret Black 《Open Learning》2013,28(1):81-88
In comparison with traditional education, distance education requires greater involvement on the part of all staff in the management and administration of constituent systems. Using a case study of the University of Leicester's Centre for Labour Market Studies, it is demonstrated that the team approach adopted by the Centre means that academic, clerical and administrative staff are all in some way involved in the management of the distance learning courses run by the Centre. This has implications for the training and development of staff at all levels. 相似文献
16.
周玉萍 《重庆职业技术学院学报》2008,17(6):39-41
作为调整用人单位与劳动者之间劳动合同关系的《劳动合同法》,与过去《劳动法》中涉及劳动合同关系部分的内容相比,有若干新规定。正确认识和理解这些新规定,对于用人单位和劳动者具有非常重要的意义。 相似文献
17.
Vince Mills 《International Journal of Lifelong Education》2013,32(4):347-356
This paper seeks to explain, or at least put in political context, the current approaches to Lifelong Learning as developed by the New Labour government, by locating them in the process of internal ideological transformation of the Labour Party. Secondly, it seeks to identify the strands in current New Labour thinking in relation to Lifelong Learning. The paper questions many of the assumptions which underpin these approaches and concludes that New Labour's approach will lead to different experiences of Lifelong Learning for different people. 相似文献
18.
The era of New Labour government has witnessed unprecedented growth in inclusive education policies. There is, however, limited evidence that policies have increased disabled children’s inclusion. This article explores reasons for this contradiction. Drawing on sociological insights, it is argued that New Labour policies on inclusive education take their cues from wider neo‐liberal constructions of social exclusion; ideas that point to the personal deficits of the excluded rather than social barriers and inequalities that systematically exclude. Increasingly narrow definitions of educational success are likely to add to this exclusion. This mirrors New Labour’s broader social inclusion agenda in emphasising ‘conditional’ inclusion and an increasingly utilitarian approach to social policy. New Labour, it is argued, needs to review the lessons of history in reducing disabled children’s educational exclusion if real progress is to be made. Warnock’s recent attack on the principle of inclusive education makes this review all the more urgent. 相似文献
19.
宋一平 《杨凌职业技术学院学报》2009,8(1):49-52
研究和探索新时期工会组织的定位问题,是当前工运理论研究领域需要解决的一个重要的思想理论问题。解决这一问题对于促进工会工作,发挥工会组织的作用等具有十分重要的意义和作用。本文紧紧围绕工会组织的定位问题,从四个方面对这一问题进行了分析和理论阐述,进而从思想理论的角度,明确提出了服务大局、服务中心、服务职工是新时期工会组织基本定位的认识理念。 相似文献
20.
Kevin J. Brehony 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(1):29-46
This article aims to provide both an account and an assessment of the most significant policies adopted by New Labour on primary schooling since its victory in the election of 1997. A secondary intention is to determine what these policies reveal about New Labour and its political project. A key policy objective in New Labour’s two terms of office since 1997 has been the retention of the electoral support it received from voters who had benefited from policies pursued by the Thatcher governments. 相似文献