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1.
《Government Information Quarterly》2020,37(3):101489
The increasing adoption of AI profoundly changes the informational foundations of societies. What does this mean for the functioning of liberal democracy, specifically in terms of responsiveness and accountability? The present paper addresses this question by discussing how capabilities of AI affect the informational requirements of the democratic process. Based on a systems theory perspective, the consequences of AI are shown to be wide-ranging. AI can reduce or increase information deficits of both citizens and decision-makers on the input, throughout, and output level of the political system. While the challenges that AI creates for democratic responsiveness and accountability have a novel technological dimension, they are nonetheless in continuity with existing transparency and accountability problems. Avoiding a negative impact will require institutionalizing suitable governance mechanisms – a task that is challenging already at the throughout and output level, but particularly difficult, and important, at the input level of politics. 相似文献
2.
《Government Information Quarterly》2022,39(3):101707
Social acceleration – the progressively faster rate of technological, social and life-pace change – poses a dilemma for democratic problem solving: It increases the amount of new social problems emerging on the political agenda and hence amplifies the demand for rapid and effective policy solutions. Democratic politics is, however, slow. So either the political system speeds up decision making at the cost of democracy, or it holds on to democracy at the cost of problem solving. Obviously, neither option is desirable. How do governments try to solve this dilemma and provide positive-sum solutions that are both effective and democratic? We present two so-called paradigm cases of governments, in Denmark and the Netherlands, that have developed a remarkably quick and effective digitalization response to social acceleration. By focusing on four markers – (1) awareness and timing; (2) motivation; (3) new strategic goals; and (4) goal-directed strategic policy action – we theorize how governments aim to solve the dilemma for democratic problem solving under conditions of social acceleration. 相似文献
3.
Lawrence Grossberg 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(1):59-97
Cultural studies seems to have passed into the shadows of academic interests, replaced by globalization and political economy as the new millennium's privileged concerns among left academics. Yet, cultural studies' longstanding interest in the interrelationship of power, politics, and culture remains critically important. Matters of agency, consciousness, pedagogy, and rhetoric are central to any public discourse about politics, not to mention education itself. Hence, this article argues that the promise of cultural studies, especially as a fundamental aspect of higher education, resides in a larger transformative and democratic politics in which matters of pedagogy and agency play a central role. 相似文献
4.
Anthony Y.H. Fung 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):18-46
Political groups have long existed in Hong Kong since 1949. The ‘consultative government’ was hostile towards groups which were critical of government policies. Before the 1980s, in a minimally‐integrated media‐political system, mass media, in compliance with the government served to undermine their legitimacy. Party politics and political parties were framed as ‘dirty polities’. However, the move towards a representative government since the 1980s in face of the power transfer to China, together with the 4 June incident, have transformed the public's stance towards the newly established democratic groups. In response to the changing public opinion, the media started in the late 1980s to give consent to the emergence of party politics in the democratic system. In the first direct Legislative Council in 1991, mass media ‘incorporated’ party politics as part the local political system. 相似文献
5.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(2):200-215
This study examines the role of radio during the democratization process in Uganda. It tests whether the use of political news and information on radio in Uganda leads to support for democracy, accounting for public interest in politics. Radio is the most accessed medium for current affairs in Africa, and remarkably so in Uganda. Public opinion survey data show considerable use of radio for political information, but no direct influence on support for democracy. Greater use of radio to get political news was strongly related to measures of political interest; which is also a moderating variable to democratic support. The utility of this study and its implications are discussed in detail. 相似文献
6.
20世纪 8 0年代中后期是战后墨西哥政治经济发展的分水岭 ,从这一时期始 ,墨西哥经济上全面推行以私有化和贸易自由化为主的新自由主义经济改革 ,政治上为多元化、民主化拓宽道路。经济改革加深了墨西哥传媒业“身不由己”依附美国的态势 ,将传媒业的私有化、垄断化程度推向一个新的高度 ;政治改革改写了“政府引而不发 ,报纸明哲保身”的定势 ,传媒界该出手时就出手 相似文献
7.
Peter Simonson 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(2):127-150
The congregational crowd was a powerful mode of political communication in the nineteenth-century US until banished by the imposition of literate modes on popular electoral politics by Progressive reformers. We examine its major channels of expression, bodily mass communication and public sensationalism, within a framework of class-based struggle, observing that the practice of live bodily assembly created broad points of entry into political life, socialized the young, and successfully conveyed the importance of voting. A text-based normative model of the informed deliberative voter, we argue, offers too narrow a conception of participation compared to a more spaciously conceived democratic community. 相似文献
8.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(7):781-798
ABSTRACTOnline media have transformed the political news landscapes, changing not only professional journalistic practices but also the way in which citizens participate in political communication. In the debate about the impact of the Internet on democratic practices, some scholars emphasize the potential of digital media platforms to establish a medium for deliberative and inclusive democratic participation, whereas others underline the development of fragmented “echo chambers” driven by the interests of mainstream news organizations. We point to an alternative scenario in which online political communication develops in the direction of “participatory populism”, involving an unrepresentative group of users actively engaging in the delegitimization of democratic institutions. This engagement results in a collective voice that expresses high levels of negativity towards mainstream democratic politics. Through a study of user comments relating to the 2014 European Parliament election in Germany and the UK, we show how commenters express predominantly negative views towards not just the EU but also national government and mainstream opposition parties. We find, however, that the relationship between user comments and news platforms is highly contextualized. The nature of the relationship between comments and news platforms across countries thus warrants further investigation. 相似文献
9.
Publishing flourishes best in a democratic society. Technological changes alter the relationship of forces so that opportunities
for publishing expand. A broader range of information channels, for example, increases choice and makes authoritarian rule
more difficult. Publishing also enhances democracy when decisions are made on the basis of merit rather than top-down legislation.
Research should reflect awareness of the interaction of publishing and politics. Such areas as the relationship between public
and private sectors, the impact of internationalization, non-U.S. ownership of information, mergers and acquisitions, and
conflict between the First Amendment and copyright law, are examples of areas in which democratic outcomes are critical. Decision
making in publishing would benefit from heightened awareness of the political consequences of publishers’ activities.
Irving Louis Horowithz is the author ofCommunicating Ideas: The Politics of Publishing
Mary E. Curtis has written widely on subjects of concern to professional publishing. 相似文献
10.
弱势群体利用图书馆这个公共教育平台、分享社会知识资源是每个公民的政治权利。保证社会各阶层获取知识权利的均等,是我们推行民主政治的体现。知识公平思想、社会求助思想在古代社会就已经萌芽。孔子在教育对象上主张“有教无类”,在教育目标上提出了培养和造就高素质的“君子”,即素质教育。先秦子书《管子》对社会救助有系统的论述。古代先哲们追求知识公平和弱势群体救助的思想与实践,不仅对中国文化事业的发展产生了深远的历史影响,而且对今天的弱势群体的图书馆知识援助也有一定的启迪价值。参考文献9。 相似文献
11.
The WTO protests in Seattle witnessed the emergence of an international citizens' movement for democratic globalization. With the tactical exploitation of television, the internet, and other technologies, Seattle also witnessed the enactment of forms of activism adapted to a wired society. In the wake of Seattle, this essay introduces the “public screen” as a necessary supplement to the metaphor of the public sphere for understanding today's political scene. While a public sphere orientation inevitably finds contemporary discourse wanting, viewing such discourse through the prism of the public screen provokes a consideration of new forms of participatory democracy. In comparison to the public sphere's privileging of rationality, embodied conversations, consensus, and civility, the public screen highlights dissemination, images, hypermediacy, publicity, distraction, and dissent. Using the Seattle WTO protests as a case study and focusing on the dynamic of violence and the media, we argue that the public screen accounts for technological and cultural changes while enabling a charting of the new conditions for rhetoric, politics, and activism. 相似文献
12.
Paul D'Angelo 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):295-310
This article develops a theoretical model consisting of three mechanisms that link metacoverage, a type of election campaign news, to mediatization, a meta-process in which media organizations influence politics. The mechanisms hinge on the point that metacoverage—consisting of both topics and frames—constitutes a rich set of process-oriented cues that influence how campaign organizations adjust to the media logic in the course of performing functions associated with the office-seeking political campaign logic. A case study of 2012 US presidential election news was conducted to illustrate how metacoverage influences campaign strategies. 相似文献
13.
News use and political discussion are often studied as important factors in understanding the effects of political efficacy on participation. However, measurements of external efficacy often blur distinctions between personal ability and government responsiveness. This study establishes a measure for perceptions of competence in the institutions of democratic government—government efficacy (GE). Drawing on panel survey data from the United States, confirmatory factor analysis introduces GE as a unique construct. Political efficacy dimensions are tested for their impact on news consumption, discussion, and political participation. Results add to the extant literature revolving the role of political efficacy on news use, discussion, and participation. 相似文献
14.
Throughout the literature much of the research on political campaign debates has focused on presidential debates and has largely ignored non‐presidential debates, particularly those featuring candidates competing in mixed‐gender races. The purpose of this study is to draw attention to these non‐presidential debates and particularly those in which gender may play a pivotal role. Through our analysis of four debates—two gubernatorial and two U.S. Senate debates—we advance the notion of debatestyle as a useful analytic scheme to examine the verbal content of female and male candidate debate dialogue. While few differences in female and male debatestyles ultimately emerged, results of the current study indicate that female and male political candidates, when engaged in debate, adopt a strategy of gendered adaptiveness that offers important contributions to both research on political debates as well as research on gender and politics. 相似文献
15.
Shannon Sampert 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):279-294
What is the effect on media coverage of politics when political actors conform to market aspects of media logic by “jumping the shark”—staging dramatic political events to fit the demands of the media—thus reflecting what Strömbäck characterizes as the fourth phase of mediatization? Our paper answers this question with a large-scale, longitudinal analysis of how The Globe and Mail, Canada's leading national newspaper, covered 13 Canadian party leadership contests held between 1975 and 2012. We analyzed changes in the amount and style of reporting over the course of this 37-year time period, finding that the Globe has provided less coverage of party leadership competitions overall. The diminishing number of stories printed on the subject increasingly feature opinion writing, photos, combative language and the elevation of the individual candidate over the party organization. Our findings support a key element of the mediatization thesis: the shift from political logic to media logic as an organizing principle for political communications. 相似文献
16.
As electronic government (e-government) becomes increasingly important in the presentation of government information to citizens, the potential impacts of e-government on the democratic process must be carefully considered. E-government clearly has the potential to become an institution that helps to ensure reasoned reflection about political issues and active participation in deliberative democracy by citizens and by members of the government. Though the Internet presents innovative new methods for conveying government information to citizens, it also presents new and serious potential impediments to deliberative democracy, such as group polarization about political issues by online social groups. The ability of e-government sites either to foster democratic dialogue by presenting multiple viewpoints or to enable polarization on political issues by promoting specific views demonstrates a key question about the conceptual foundations of e-government. Drawing upon perspectives from information studies, public policy, law, and governance, this article examines the differing political implications between e-government built on a foundation of participation and on a foundation of polarization. 相似文献
17.
Michael W. Kearney 《Communication Research Reports》2017,34(2):106-114
Many have noted the immense potential of social media as a catalyst for political engagement. While we know a great deal about the people who use social media for politics, and even why they do it, we know very little about when, or under what conditions, political uses of social media actually occur. In this article I extend interpersonal goals theory to examine when political social media use happens. Results suggest that, above and beyond cognitive political engagement, interpersonal goals contribute significantly in explaining political behaviors on Facebook. I find that political posts entail greater affective and interaction-related risks than following political pages or updating one’s profile, while “liking” political posts affords users a low-cost/low-reward strategy for managing interactions. As such, this study provides evidence that political expression on Facebook takes several distinct forms. 相似文献
18.
The Australian High Court's decision on the Mabo case, allowingnative title to Aboriginal Australians, became the major politicalissue during the second half of 1993. The Labor party's championingof this issue is suggestive of a fundamental change in Australianpolitics as predicted by ‘new politics’ theoristssuch as Ronald Inglehart. This paper examines the formationof opinions on the Mabo with particular reference to new politics.Several theoretical approaches to the formation of attitudesto political issues are examined. These comprise the new politics,political partisanship, nonattitudes, rational choice, asttitudinalpredispositions, and group socialization approaches. Littlesupport was found for the standard postmaterialist/materialistcleavage, although aspects of the new politics thesis were supportedas were aspects of the other approaches. In the light of thesefindings we outline a model of public opinion incorporatingelements of each approach. 相似文献
19.
This paper assesses how use of smartphones relates to exposure to heterogeneity, political efficacy, and political engagement and suggests a new mediation model that can be applied to mobile communication. Drawing on online survey data collected during the 2012 presidential election in South Korea, this study finds that exposure to heterogeneity and political efficacy jointly mediate the impact of informational uses of smartphones on political participation. The current study also shows that informational uses of smartphones are significantly related to encounters with heterogeneity, political efficacy, and participatory behaviors. Additionally, recreational uses of smartphones were found to have a positive association with exposure to heterogeneity. However, relational uses of smartphones were not associated with democratic outcomes. The findings suggest that smartphones, by increasing the possibility of encountering diversity and subsequently enhancing political efficacy, create an additional pathway to citizen engagement in democratic processes. 相似文献
20.
Jörg Haßler 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):326-341
One aspect of the mediatization of politics is the idea that political actors adapt to the communication logic of news media to gain, for example, news media attention. Currently, this process may be influenced by the diffusion of the internet as a political communication channel, especially because online communication provides a new opportunity for political actors to communicate directly with citizens. Thus far, the adaptation to media logic by political parties has mainly been examined in the context of election campaigns. In order to transfer these findings to regular political communication, this study compares the use of media logic in the mass media and in direct political communication channels online and offline about the United Nations Climate Change Conferences 2011 and 2012. A quantitative content analysis of the conference protocols (input) and the presentation of the conference results in the seven most frequently used German offline news outlets (print and TV) and their online counterparts, as well as political offline and online communication channels like parliamentary speeches and websites of the six parties represented in the German parliament (output), was conducted. Results show that in the context of regular political communication, political actors seem to follow media logic to a lesser extent than in the context of election campaigns. Thus far, the influence of online communication on the mediatization of politics seems to be rather marginal. The causes and consequences of these findings are discussed. 相似文献