共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 109 毫秒
1.
Dionne Danns 《The Urban Review》2008,40(1):64-75
Superintendent James Redmond created a desegregation plan for Chicago Public Schools in 1967, which affected a limited amount
of students, but caused great uproar. This article examines the numerous White responses in opposition to busing including
those that appear legitimate, such as a desire to maintain neighborhood schools. However, given the history of neighborhood
and school segregation in Chicago, the legitimacy of words alone cannot be taken at face value. The larger context must be
explored in order to better understand White opposition to busing. 相似文献
2.
Until the mid‐1970s, the politics of urban school desegregation concentrated almost exclusively on the attainment of some form of racial balance. The racial balance paradigm became the focal point for desegregation planners and for local, state and national dispute about ‘forced bussing’. However, in its 1977 Milliken II ruling, the Supreme Court added critical new elements to the urban school desegregation paradigm. By affirming a desegregation plan which included remedial education components in all‐minority schools, and which required state participation in financing these components, Milliken II heralded a new era of urban school desegregation. Resource issues and school effectiveness issues joined racial balance issues in the crucible of desegregation politics. In this chapter, the post‐Milliken politics of urban school desegregation are highlighted through examination of the St Louis and Kansas City cases. New goals, new issues, new alignments of interests and new political strategies are apparent, presenting new challenges to students of urban education policy and politics. 相似文献
3.
《The Journal of educational research》2012,105(5):242-246
AbstractThis study evaluates the effects of school desegregation by court-ordered busing on the subsequent dropout rate of majority and minority students. Using before and after busing measures of dropout rates, school records and personal interviews, this research finds majority dropout rates are not affected by desegregation procedures. While the dropout rates of bused minority students appear to be identical to those of non-bused minority students, large disparities between minority rates in various bused sectors indicate highly uneven educational experiences of bused minority students. School socio-economic composition and the expectations of teachers concerning student behavior are used to analyze the disparities, with the conclusion reached that the more favorable expectations of teachers at higher socio-economic climate schools produce lower minority student dropout rates. Desegregation produces a positive benefit for this most crucial dimension of minority student educational accomplishment, when the school to which the minority student is bused is one where teachers' expectations are positive and supportive. 相似文献
4.
With the loss of population and industry, public school systems in Midwestern cities such as Cincinnati and Kansas City now face increasing demands while suffering severe fiscal constraints. Rising educational costs, declining revenues and enrollments, and rising proportions of minority students, along with increased programmatic demands and pressures related to desegregation litigation, conspire to make school systems recaptive to community involvement and assistance. This paper explores the development of three types of community-based groups which show promise of enhancing the democratic governance of the schools, as well as increasing the school system's resource base. 相似文献
5.
《Journal of School Choice》2013,7(3):63-75
ABSTRACT Despite the creeping resegregation of public schools, recent court decisions have been involved in the lifting of court-ordered desegregation decrees, which could arguably cause further segregation. When dismissing desegregation decrees, lower courts have relied on three U.S. Supreme Court decisions during the 1990s that permitted a lower standard for lifting desegregation decrees. Those school districts that remain under court-ordered desegregation decrees may find themselves in conflict with the No Child Left Behind Act's (NCLB) choice provision. Specifically, NCLB permits parents to transfer their children to another school if their present school is deemed in need of improvement. Such NCLB regulations may permit school districts to bypass the desegregation decree. In so doing, there is a conflict between a federal regulation and federal court order. Employing legal research techniques (e.g., case and statutory analysis), this paper explores the Supreme Court's jurisprudence for declaring a school district unitary, analyzes the conflict between court-ordered desegregation decrees and NCLB's choice provision, and discusses the potential litigation that could result from the conflict between NCLB and desegregation decrees. doi:10.1300/J467v01n03_08 相似文献
6.
《Peabody Journal of Education》2013,88(2):5-14
This essay describes significant legal and policy system changes in America's 50-year crusade to curtail or eliminate racially segregated public school. In hindsight, a more forceful initial policy system stance regarding judicial enforcement might well have resulted in greater desegregation success. However, after 5 decades of judicial and operational compliance trial and error, United States public schools presently appear almost as racially segregated as before the landmark case, Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954, 1955). In effect, over the 50 years since 1954, the nation has ricocheted from Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) to Brown and, practically if not constitutionally, back to Plessy. The contemporary cause of school segregation rests more with income and housing patterns than with explicit apartheid policies. Regardless of cause, however, even if there now exists something much closer to equal educational opportunity than was true 50 years ago, there clearly is not anything close, nationally, to racial parity of educational achievement. Mindful of the remaining achievement gap, this article posits that it is time to reconsider past policies built almost exclusively around busing and achieving physical mixes of Black and White students. Instead, it is now time to rely on new strategies involving elevated expectations, explicit learning standards, notions of financial "adequacy," and effective accountability. In effect, it is time to measure racial policy progress by student successes, not by transportation and school resource processes. 相似文献
7.
《Peabody Journal of Education》2013,88(2):170-203
This article examines a conflict that arose in 2004 between a federal court's oversight of desegregation and the implementation of the public school choice provisions of the No Child Left Behind Act in Pinellas County, Florida. School system leaders challenged the statute on the grounds that it would likely disrupt a controlled-choice plan designed to achieve racial balance as part of a court settlement to its desegregation case. The judge ruled that no changes could be made to the prior court order mandating these balances through 2008. Drawing on interviews with the county school superintendent and school board attorney, the author describes the county's decision to seek the judge's protection and analyzes several attendant conflicts. These include the legal conflict between two federal mandates, desegregation and school choice; the political tension arising between local and federal officials resulting from the changing nature of federal authority with respect to desegregation; and the policy-related conflict between test-based accountability and desegregation in southern school systems. 相似文献
8.
Bill Johnston 《The Urban Review》1987,19(1):49-64
Many city school systems are faced with a situation of declining tax base, declining enrollments, and disproportionate minority ratios. Merger of city with surrounding school systems is one alternative to improve this situation. When city and surrounding systems contain disproportionate minority ratios the question may arise whether busing to achieve racial balance will likely be required by the courts. Review of desegregation litigation indicates that in the absence of intention to discriminate, the courts are not likely to require busing as a desegregation strategy. Further, school systems having achieved unitary status under court-approved desegregation plans may be allowed to adopt neighborhood school policies despite indications such policies would lead to partial resegregation. 相似文献
9.
James R. Moore 《Equity & Excellence in Education》2013,46(3):289-301
Fifty years after the Brown v. Board of Education decision outlawed de jure segregation in American schools, many school districts remain segregated. Despite numerous efforts aimed at desegregation, residential segregation—the primary barrier to significant school desegregation—remains entrenched throughout the United States. The Miami-Dade County Public Schools, the nation's fourth largest school system, provides an excellent example of a segregated metropolitan region that produced a segregated school system and defied numerous efforts at significant school desegregation. 相似文献
10.
Michelle A. Purdy 《History of education quarterly》2016,56(1):61-89
The school desegregation narrative often references historically white public schools as sites of massive resistance and historically white private schools as segregationist academies. Yet some historically white elite private schools or independent schools, such as The Westminster Schools (plural in name only), established in 1951 in Atlanta, Georgia, chose to desegregate. Such elite institutions, which have served as one catalyst for the creation and maintenance of social and cultural capital, became more accessible after Brown v. Board of Education through a combination of private and public decisions galvanized by larger social, political, and federal forces. Westminster's 1965 decision to consider all applicants regardless of race was emblematic of the pragmatic desegregation politics of Atlanta's city leaders during the civil rights movement and a national independent school agenda focused on recruiting black students. Drawing on institutional, local, regional, and national archival records and publications, this article examines the import of schools like Westminster to civic and business leaders, to the politics of race and desegregation occurring in large cities, and to the range of educational opportunities available in metropolitan areas. This examination yields an analysis of the leadership and politics of a southern historically white elite private school that black students desegregated in 1967. 相似文献
11.
Jeannine E. Dingus 《The Urban Review》2006,38(3):211-233
National narratives on the movement to desegregate Southern schools, as construed by dominant cultural forces, focus on school desegregation from the vantage point of dominant culture; portraying school desegregation as a singular and inevitable event emanating from jurisprudence and principles of democracy, with little attention to the complexities of those most impacted. This article argues the importance of including counterstory to such narratives, specifically highlighting the narratives of African American teachers. Using qualitative methods, the study this article demonstrates how African American teachers’ personal narratives of school desegregation provide a window into the complexities of school desegregation illuminating the ways in which race, social class standing, gender, and personal relationships compounded individual support, views, resistance, and participation in the movement to desegregate Southern schools.Jeannine E. Dingus in an Assistant Professor of Margaret Warner School of Education and Human Development in University of Rochester. 相似文献
12.
C. W. Martin 《Peabody Journal of Education》2013,88(2):74-77
This article considers the role of private schools in an assessment of segregation in K-12 schools, with special reference to the South. It presents evidence to support two main conclusions. First, private schools have grown in importance in the South since 1960, in contrast to their declining importance in the rest of the country. This contrary trend can be attributed to the region's small proportion of Catholics, to its rising affluence, and to school desegregation. Because of the typically large areas covered by school districts in the South, private schools have offered White families an especially effective means of avoiding exposure to non-Whites in schools, particularly in counties with very high minority concentrations. In those counties the rate at which Whites enrolled in private schools tended to rise with the percentage of all students who were non-White, increasing sharply in counties about 55% non-White. Second, the article presents measures of the extent to which private schools contribute to segregation in schools in all regions. Using data on public and private enrollments in 1999-2000, the article shows that private schools accounted for only about 16% of such segregation in the nation's metropolitan areas, with the bulk of segregation attributed to racial disparities between public school districts. For the nation, segregation increased between 1995-1996 and 1999-2000, and a rise in White private enrollments had a role in this increase. 相似文献
13.
H. L. Donovan 《Peabody Journal of Education》2013,88(2):98-105
This article is a study of the social construction of school desegregation in Los Angeles, California. Particular emphasis is placed on how magnet schools were presented to area residents in the local press over a period of 3 decades. I use quantitative and qualitative techniques with 355 newspaper articles. I find that magnet schools were originally discussed as part of a larger desegregation program, but that references to desegregation declined steadily. Magnet schools are now discussed as providers of academic excellence, and desegregation issues are largely ignored. This follows the current trend in political and academic circles, in which the rhetoric surrounding education is increasingly focused on standards and accountability rather than equality and access. 相似文献
14.
This article examines a grassroots movement among African-Americans to reestablish Howard W. Blake High School, named for a historically black high school closed during the desegregation process in Tampa, Florida. The establishment of Blake High School was contentious, involving negotiations by multiple and conflicting interests—school officials, black leaders, alumni of the historically black high schools that had existed prior to desegregation, the federal judge overseeing the 1971 desegregation order, and civil rights leaders. Analyzing the debates over Blake's status as a magnet, its location, and its attendance zone, this article highlights the paradox of desegregation for African-American communities in Tampa. This case reveals the tension between the desire for community schooling and the consequences of resegregation. 相似文献
15.
Dionne Danns 《The Urban Review》2018,50(4):584-603
School desegregation in Chicago was derived from the implementation of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. This article follows the formation of this policy to its implementation in Chicago. First, the federal government used the Civil Rights Act to garner school desegregation. Then, the Chicago Board of Education created desegregation plans for Chicago Public Schools which included school choice options. Finally, the article uses the oral histories of 68 graduates of three Chicago public high schools to demonstrate how the policy was utilized. The entire process reveals the continuation of institutional racism as school desegregation in Chicago was effectively limited as only a few Black and Latino students benefited from school desegregation. 相似文献
16.
John Kyle Day 《Journal of School Choice》2016,10(4):420-435
ABSTRACTThe United States Congress’ Southern Congressional Delegation promulgated the Declaration of Constitutional Principles, popularly known as the Southern Manifesto, on March 12, 1956. The Southern Manifesto was the South’s primary means to effectively delay implementation of public school desegregation as ordered by the United States Supreme Court decision, Brown v. Board of Topeka, Kansas (1954; as cited in Day, 2014). This essay places the desegregation of American public school system within the larger context of the time period in which it transpired, and explains how racial disparity in public education was perpetuated after the Jim Crow caste system was dismantled in the 1960s. Ironically, while de jure desegregation of American public schools was effectively accomplished by the early 1970s under the administration of President Richard M. Nixon, government spending during the era after World War II, perpetuated racial and economic disparity in America’s public schools that prevails up to the present day. 相似文献
17.
Erica Frankenberg Jennifer B. Ayscue Alison C. Tyler 《Peabody Journal of Education》2016,91(3):383-403
Although demographic change is happening more rapidly at the elementary school level, the intersection of these demographic trends with the changing mission of high schools may offer the opportunity to reduce some of the persistent racial gaps in educational attainment. At the same time, when schools became diverse as desegregation took place, stratification within schools occurred, leading to inequality within diverse schools. Thus, this article seeks to examine whether high schools can help to expand opportunity for low-income students and students of color as suburban racial change occurs. To answer this question, this article draws on school-level interviews in six public high schools in racially changing suburban districts in some of the nation's largest metropolitan areas. High schools in this study focused on ways to provide access to diverse students through structural reforms and information dissemination, yet they also saw academic programs as a way to compete for certain students to shape their student body composition and maintain enrollment. 相似文献
18.
“Mayoral takeover” has emerged as a major reform option for struggling urban districts since it was launched in Boston in 1992 and Chicago in 1995. This article examines the design, implementation, and the effects of mayoral-led school systems. Our research addresses issues that are critical to systemwide improvement: Are there variation in how mayors govern their schools? How can mayors “add values” to current school reform efforts in their cities? Have more resources been provided for teaching and learning? Is the public more confident in their city's school system? Are test scores improving? In addressing these issues of student outcomes and management improvement, we highlight lessons learned from our research project's mixed-methods approach, including case studies and statistical analyses using a multiyear database on a purposeful sample of 100 urban districts. 相似文献
19.
The enactment of the revised School Places Allocation Systems at the compulsory stage in 2004 had the aim of desegregating Hong Kong's non-Chinese linguistic minority (NCLM) students by including them into ethnic Chinese-dominated mainstream primary and secondary schools. Because of the presumed cause-consequence relationship between “desegregated” school participation and academic achievement, in specific second language Chinese (CSL) acquisition, the challenges that such students face in participating in mainstream education and learning Chinese, no doubt, deserve to be examined. This qualitative study conducted in-depth interviews with 18 secondary students of South Asian/Southeast Asian minority backgrounds enrolled in mainstream schools. Drawing on both cultural and institutional paradigms of explanation for educational achievement, we argue that the reasons inhibiting the minority students' academic involvement are not simply their linguistic challenges but also the institutional constraints in the mainstream education system unique to this population. This study calls for a shift in school desegregation arrangement from one focusing narrowly on physical desegregation to a more comprehensive set of policies that embrace the institutional factors including teacher expectation, resource availability, and bilingual support, crucial to reduce racial differences in achievement. 相似文献
20.
Eric M. David 《The Urban Review》1994,26(4):243-255
Perched on the Mason-Dixon line, Baltimore ignored calls for resistance from its southern neighbors by becoming one of the
first cities in the country to comply withBrown. By the beginning of the 1955 school year, leaders had implemented a desegregation plan, and Baltimore was being applauded
for the early and peaceful integration of its public schools.
Within a few years, however, the praise faded as it became clear that Baltimore still suffered from de facto segregation.
Faced with this reality, the school board refused to take the steps necessary to remedy the problem, instead shifting the
blame to society at large. This failure by the board started a pattern of abandonment by school leadership that culminated
in 1991 with the privatization of several of Baltimore's public schools. The result of this abandonment is a crippled school
system that still has not dealt with issues of race and equality. 相似文献