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《Journal of Government Information》2000,27(4):455-469
In most countries, a key figure in the provision of public information at the central government level is the government information officer (GIO). These individuals may be known as spokespersons, press officers, press attachés, public affairs officers, or public information officers. A GIO contributes to public understanding of government policies and raises awareness of the roles of decision makers and purview of state institutions, the availability of social services, noteworthy trends, and risks to public health and safety. In Central and Eastern Europe, a GIO's responsibilities typically include: monitoring media coverage of public affairs; briefing and advising political officials; managing media relations; providing information directly to the public; sharing information across the administration; formulating communication strategies and campaigns; and researching and assessing public opinion. Because of the region's communist heritage, GIOs in Central and Eastern Europe confront a number of special challenges, starting with poorly performing public administrations. Other problems include immature media, secrecy and political influence, and a lack of training and skills. However, as democratic, market, and media practices in Central and Eastern Europe come to resemble those in Western Europe, the activities and attitudes of GIOs in the former region are becoming more like their counterparts in the latter. 相似文献
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This study examines the relationship between duopoly ownership structure and the supply of local news and public affairs programming in the local television market. The results show that both duopoly stations and non-duopoly stations significantly increased their local news programming from 1997 to 2003. The increases were attributable to the top four stations in each market. In addition, stations did not increase their efforts in local public affairs programming after becoming duopolies. The study also found that there was no significant difference in the amount of local news or local public affairs programming aired by duopoly and non-duopoly stations. 相似文献
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《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(1):66-82
What factors predict listening to Limbaugh's program? Previous studies, many more than a decade old, analyze his audience at one or two data-points. This study differs from earlier studies of Limbaugh's audience in two ways: (1) the data come from six Times Mirror/Pew Research Center polls between July, 1994 and April–May, 2006, and (2) the paper focuses on the relationship between listening to Limbaugh and knowledge of public affairs. Conservative Republicans are in his audience, but educational attainment, family income, and race do not predict who listens. Listening to Limbaugh is significantly correlated with public affairs information. 相似文献
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沟通与对话:公民社会与媒体公共空间——网络群体性事件形成机制的理论基础 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
新媒体跨越时空的传播,打破了传统社会结构中人际传播、组织传播、群体传播以及大众传播的边界,这意味着社会关系的重构。在社会关系重构中,作为公民社会发展的要素,如公民身份、公共理性以及媒体公共空间等对促进社会有机团结、推动公民社会健康发展意义重大,所有这些集中体现在人们日常生活的对话与沟通中。本文从中国公民社会及其特征、公民身份与公民意识、媒体公共空间中对话与沟通何以可能等方面进行梳理、总结,分析媒体公共空间中中国公民社会发展所涉及的一些基本问题,探讨建构公民日常对话与沟通的思想价值基础。 相似文献
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《Government Information Quarterly》2023,40(2):101803
Various types of algorithms are being increasingly used to support public decision-making, yet we do not know how these different algorithm types affect citizens' attitudes and behaviors in specific public affairs. Drawing on public value theory, this study uses a survey experiment to compare the effects of rule-driven versus data-driven algorithmic decision-making (ADM) on citizens' perceived fairness and acceptance. This study also examines the moderating role of familiarity with public affairs and the mediating role of perceived fairness on the relationship. The findings show that rule-driven ADM is generally perceived as fairer and more acceptable than data-driven ADM. Low familiarity with public affairs strengthens citizens' perceived fairness and acceptance of rule-driven ADM more than data-driven ADM, and citizens' perceived fairness plays a significant mediating role in the effect of rule-driven ADM on citizens' acceptance behaviors. These findings further imply that citizens' perceived fairness and acceptance of ADM is strongly shaped by how they perceive familiarity of the decision-making context. In high-familiarity AI application scenarios, the realization of public values may ultimately not be what matters for ADM acceptance among citizens. 相似文献
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Tom Morton 《Journalism Practice》2016,10(1):18-34
The public interest is commonly presumed to be fundamental to the practice of journalism. Journalists and the media organizations for which they work routinely assume that they are able to identify what is in the public interest, and act accordingly. This article explores notions of the public interest in the context of a particular case study, that of Sharleen Spiteri, an HIV-positive sex worker who appeared on the Australian national current affairs television programme 60 Minutes in 1989 and admitted that she sometimes had unprotected sex with clients. As a consequence of the ensuing wave of moral panic, she was forcibly detained in a locked AIDS ward and a mental asylum. After she was released she was kept under 24-hour surveillance for the remaining 15 years of her life. In 2010, the authors of this article produced a radio documentary for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation about Sharleen Spiteri's case. The authors argue that her story raises some important and difficult questions for the ethical practice of journalism. They analyse the role of journalists and politicians involved in Sharleen's case, and show that their belief that they were acting in the public interest played into well-established historical narratives linking sex workers with disease and dissolution, with disastrous consequences for Sharleen herself. The authors argue that a more reflexive and responsible conception of the public interest for journalists requires them to pay more careful attention to the voices and perspectives of people who are excluded from participation in the public sphere. 相似文献
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《Journalism Practice》2013,7(4):563-580
Public information officers (PIOs) represent a type of communications professional distinct from public relations practitioners (PRPs). From a structural functionalist viewpoint, journalists and PIOs share goals: both see themselves as facilitating the information flow into the public sphere. Habermas' communicative action models defining journalists as committed to revealing the “whole truth” to the public, but PRPs as enmeshed in advocating private interests, do not adequately describe PIOs. Although journalists' and PIOs' goals are similar, barriers exist to inhibit their cooperation in achieving those mutual goals. Such barriers arise from academic ideal types fostering inaccurate perceptions of each other, perceptions reinforced by adaptive structuration within their respective organizations' cultures. Empirical data support that PIOs' and journalists' divergent attitudes about their professional praxis combine with ideal-type constructions and organizational cultures to produce communication disconnects between the two. 相似文献
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This online survey conducted at a public university in the Northwest (N = 434) examines the influence of political involvement, information source attention, and online political discussion on young adults’ political efficacy. A factor analysis indicated that political information sources loaded into three factors including conventional and online hard news media such as newspapers, opinion and social media such as blogs or social networking websites, and public affairs websites including government and candidate websites. A path analysis revealed significant differences in their association with online political expression and external efficacy. As an entry point in the theoretical model, involvement in public affairs positively associated with attention to political information sources, online political expression, and external political efficacy. Attention to hard news and to public affairs websites positively predicted political efficacy. Attention to online opinion and social media and to public affairs websites positively predicted online political expression. 相似文献
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Jaime E. Bochantin 《Communication monographs》2016,83(2):214-238
This study examines public safety employees’ (PSEs) (police officers and fire fighters) experiences with work and family as well as the experiences of their family members. Past research concerning work–family has typically concentrated on white-collar professions, rather than the non-standard workforce, which includes PSEs. Moreover, research has not considered the perspective of family members who openly strive to share equally in managing the relationship between work and family. Using interviews and focus groups, this study focuses on metaphors that were employed by PSEs and their family members with regard to how they articulate the relationship between work and family. Previous research has relied upon constructs and metaphors that have been created by scholars and researchers (i.e., balance, conflict, segmentation). Rather than imposing these past constructs on participants, this study allows participants to craft their own way of describing work and family. Theoretical and practical implications are offered as well as directions for future research. 相似文献
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《The Reference Librarian》2013,54(22):197-205
A great deal of interest is currently being paid to those , who strike out on their own and take on the title of an "entrepreneur." While there are many benefits in going it alone and bein one'sown boss, there are risks as well. As one who has tried it, with some degree of success, it might be enlightening for others to get and understanding of exactly what is involved in becoming an independent "informarion Broker." Special attention will be ai ven to "telling it like it is" and to warning those considering such an endeavor that the path 10 success is not always an easy one. In this regard, readers will not only come to understand what it takes to pursue such a career path, but how they, as fellow professionals, can avail themselves of the services of such individuals. It is hoped that if librarians, researchers and information specialists know more about how we operate, their own demanding jobs will be easier. By gaining insight into the valuable services their colleagues provide, they too will be better able to help today's public who now appreciates that the information age is here. 相似文献
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通过分析公共权力、公共事务、公共需要、公共物品、公共领域等概念之间的公共性的关联,剖析图书馆在各种公共性视角中的表现,从而,剥离出图书馆的公共性谱系,作为在社会活动层面上研究图书馆学的基础概念。 相似文献
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Chad C. Edwards Autumn Hensley Edwards Scott A. Myers Shawn T. Wahl 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(1):54-61
The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between student pre‐performance concerns, student evaluation apprehension, and receiving a grade for a speech. It was hypothesized that in the public speaking course, (a) a positive relationship would exist between student pre‐performance concerns and student evaluation and (b) students who believed their speech was being evaluated for a grade would report a greater amount of pre‐performance concerns than students who believed their speech was not being evaluated for a grade. Both hypotheses were supported. Results are discussed in light of what instructors might do in the classroom to reduce students' pre‐performance concerns. 相似文献
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《Communication monographs》2012,79(2):186-201
This study examined the reliability and stability of newspaper and television public affairs exposure; the relationship of social structural variables and media exposure, when measurement error is taken into account; and the effect of these social structural variables on change in exposure. A secondary analysis was performed on a two wave national study composed of 7201 respondents. Using a LISREL model, the results indicated that: (1) the indicators of newspaper public affairs exposure were more reliable than the indicators for television public affairs exposure; conversely, the television public affairs construct was more stable than the newspaper construct, although both yielded fairly high stability estimates; (2) various indicators of location in the social structure (age, education, income, perceived social class, and sex) had effects on exposure to newspaper and television public affairs information, and effects on the change in this type of exposure over time. It was concluded that more attention should be directed toward measurement error issues and toward operationally and theoretically defining media exposure. 相似文献
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《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(2):290-302
This study examined the shift away from traditional public affairs reporting toward sensationalism on the network evening news between 1968 and 1996. Using methods developed by Adams (1978) and extended by Slattery and Hakanen (1994), this study found an increase in the proportion of sensationalism in network newscasts over time. The study found that 1996 news content categorized as non-election public affairs coverage contained significantly higher levels of embedded sensationalism than similar content in 1968. 相似文献
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This study examines the relationship between community-level characteristics and the presence of public affairs place blogs in 232 U.S. cities. Two models to predict the presence of these sites are tested: a structural pluralism model, which suggests that the presence of one of these sites reflects more pluralistic voices, and a community stress model, which suggests that the presence of these sites reflects citizens’ efforts to cope with community problems. Analysis of demographic and crime data using logistic regression suggests that the community stress model is the stronger predictor. Public affairs place blogs are more likely in cities with higher murder rates, poverty rates, more physical decay, and more residents with professional occupations. It is these residents—with more education and income, living on the periphery of the most affected urban neighborhoods—who are most likely to go online to write about obtrusive community problems. 相似文献
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Cindy Elmore 《Media History》2013,19(3):301-317
Stars and Stripes is a unique newspaper with a distinctive mission, ownership and journalistic staff unlike any in the USA. Despite its parentage in the US Department of Defense, directives give the newspaper editorial independence. Still, military commanders and Pentagon overseers have challenged and interfered with those rights since the newspaper's First World War beginnings in Europe. This study examines the published accounts of that struggle, finding that despite the newspaper's journalistic successes, the military has periodically engaged in control and interference, particularly because of the newspaper's logistical dependence upon the Department of Defense. Stars and Stripes' achievements have largely been dependent upon having the support of various military commanders in charge of US overseas military forces, having military editors or publishers who were resolute against military intrusion, or having the involvement of Congressional oversight committees and other news media willing to expose military news management at the newspaper. 相似文献