共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(3):296-323
This essay explores the relationship between epideictic discourse and war through the analysis of George W. Bush's August 20, 2005, address at the Naval Air Station near San Diego, ostensibly to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the Allied victory over Japan. The case also serves as an exemplar for how Bush routinely interwove epideictic appeals with collective memories of World War II in order to promote the Iraq war and deflect criticism of his policies there. Bush praised the greatest generation and linked it to the current generation; blamed and dehumanized enemies of the past and present; advocated for war based on “lessons” from the past; and reinforced a shared identity to instill both obligation and confidence. 相似文献
2.
《Government Information Quarterly》1995,12(1):33-41
The Bush Presidential Library and Museum, the tenth Presidential library, will be built on the campus of Texas A&M University between 1995 and 1997 and administered by the National Archives. It will be the archival depository for all of George Bush's Vice-Presidential and Presidential records and memorabilia as well as voluminous personal papers dealing with his life before and after his service in the White House. Every Presidential library undergoes an evolution from a Presidential materials project to a fully functioning facility, and the Bush Library currently is in its earliest period of development. The Bush Presidential Materials Project is systematically processing President Bush's records and museum objects for exhibit when the library opens to the public in 1997. The Bush Library will be the most highly computerized Presidential library to date, with automated systems, including an optical scanner for documents, facilitating archival processing and reference services. 相似文献
3.
Ryan Shepard 《Communication Studies》2013,64(5):460-475
In response to the Abu Ghraib torture scandal, President Bush delivered an apology that was widely criticized by domestic and international audiences. Nevertheless, the apology succeeded in allowing the President to stop the momentum of negative public opinion following news of the crimes, and to avoid accountability for his role in the crisis. In this essay, I argue that Bush's success stemmed partly from his use of a special subgenre of apologia, simulated atonement. After explaining the strategy in detail, I describe some of the conditions in which it will likely be effective and apply the theory to Bush's statements. 相似文献
4.
Kevin Coe 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(3):307-324
Popular sentiment holds that President George W. Bush was able to successfully “spin” the news during the early stages of the Iraq War. Research on the president-press relationship gives some reason to believe this sentiment but leaves ample room for skepticism. This article clarifies the relationship between presidential and press rationales for the Iraq War, focusing on whether Bush's emphasis on certain rationales influenced the extent to which news media emphasized these same rationales. Using computer-assisted content analysis to analyze a year's worth of presidential communications and television news, the study provides insight into the interaction of these important discourses. 相似文献
5.
Anna Cornelia Fahey 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(2):132-150
French leaders met the September 2002 announcement of preemptive U.S. military action in Iraq with open disapproval. Thereafter, in the build-up to the “Iraq war,” as U.S. military strikes began in 2003 and continued in 2004, France became the target of nationalistic attacks in the United States. Building on this anti-French sentiment, George W. Bush's 2004 presidential campaign used narratives that cast Frenchness as feminine, assigning “Frenchness” to Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry—and thereby characterizing him as unfit for the White House. Specifically, political conservatives sought to strip Kerry of the masculine qualities perceived necessary to serve as president of the United States. Analysis of American political and media discourse from September 2002 to November 2004 shows that the 2004 presidential campaign came to be defined in substantial part by nationalistic and sexist political communications that capitalized upon and reinscribed patterns and norms of hegemonic masculinity while also feminizing and devaluing dissent in times of war. 相似文献
6.
The “hegemonic” tradition argues that the president enjoys unparalleled power to manage news and opinion during war. This approach has dominated political communication literature on war and the media for over a generation. The war with Iraq, however, provides a major challenge to conventional wisdom. We believe that classical propaganda theory provides a useful corrective to the hegemonic perspective and offers a better way to understand the Bush administration's propaganda strategy and its impact on public opinion. Using a combination of content analysis, opinion data, and analysis of the administration's Iraq-related public addresses, we argue that the president neither dominated war news nor managed public opinion in the manner predicted by hegemonic theories. 相似文献
7.
Michael L. Butterworth 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(2):184-203
Sport was among the many cultural resources that George W. Bush used to justify rhetorically the need for war in Iraq. Specifically, he sought to capitalize on the unexpected success of the Iraqi national soccer team during the 2004 Summer Olympics. The Bush campaign produced a commercial that aired during the two weeks of Olympic coverage, in which Bush was credited with spreading freedom and democracy throughout the world. Simultaneously, the president claimed that Iraq's participation in the Games was possible only because of American-led action that had toppled Saddam Hussein. Rather than accept this narrative, many Iraqi athletes and citizens responded with anger and resentment towards the United States. This analysis demonstrates the extent to which sport metaphors are implicated in the contests over democracy. Moreover, it suggests that critics must engage the discourses of sport as they articulate with politics in an effort to recover the democratic potential of each. 相似文献
8.
Michael J. Lee 《传播与批判/文化研究》2017,14(1):3-30
In this essay, I try to answer a few basic questions about George W. Bush’s war rhetoric: (1) How did the president talk about the Iraqi people specifically and Arabs and Muslims generally? (2) How did that vision of Iraqis, Arabs, and Muslims shape the war and its aftermath? Bush did not talk about tyrants and terrorists the same way he did everyday Arabs and Muslims. Tracking the simplified, singular vision of a democratic, freedom-loving Arab and Muslim Other that the Bush administration anticipated, based policy around, and, in the end, failed to find is vital to account for the failures of the war on terror and to differentiate Bush’s imperialism from fin de siècle imperialists, Orientalists, and garden-variety racists before and after his presidency. The Bush administration went to both war and postwar on the basis of a deeply flawed constitutive framework, but where Arabs and Muslims were concerned, that framework failed because of presumed sameness, not difference. Put differently, calamities in war on terror were due to violence done to those construed as savages and violence enabled by a total failure to strategize around difference. 相似文献
9.
Audiences,metaphors, and the Persian Gulf war 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Benjamin R. Bates 《Communication Studies》2013,64(3):447-463
This paper examines George Bush's Persian Gulf war addresses as a representative anecdote of Bush's campaign to build an international military coalition. The paper argues that in war rhetoric international audiences should be considered. A theorization of the international audience is offered. George Bush's public speeches are then analyzed as they use two metaphoric clusters. The SAVAGE cluster is used to justify a response to Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait. The CIVILIZATION cluster is used to justify an American‐led military response. The metaphoric clusters are shown to be persuasive to the international audience as they are adopted and recirculated by this audience. Conclusions and implications of the interaction of these two metaphoric clusters for future war rhetoric are offered. 相似文献
10.
J. Justin Gustainis 《Communication Studies》2013,64(1):41-53
President Kennedy perceived a threat to American national security in Communist sponsorship of “wars of national liberation” in developing nations. He responded with a policy of counter‐insurgency, which was to be implemented primarily by the U. S. Army's Special Forces, known as the Green Berets. In order to gain public and Congressional support, pacify the political right wing, and bolster his own flagging public image, Kennedy portrayed the Special Forces as contemporary reincarnations of the mythic frontier hero. His efforts were, in the short run, successful, but they paved the way for later escalation of the war by Lyndon Johnson. 相似文献
11.
Karen Slattery 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(5):429-445
National news media represent mothers of US combat soldiers in the Iraq War as archetypal good mothers, that is, mothers who continue their maternal work even after their children are deployed. However, not all mothers are depicted as the archetypal patriotic mother, i.e., a good mother who is also stoic and silent about the war and her child's role in it. Mothers of soldiers are portrayed as good mothers who sometimes also voice their attitudes about the war effort. The maternal attitudes ranged from complete support for the war to opposition to the war but support for the soldiers. The findings suggest a picture of wartime motherhood that is more nuanced than the historical image of the patriotic mother suggests. 相似文献
12.
This article analyzes President Barack Obama’s remarks following the acquittal of George Zimmerman on the charge of murdering Trayvon Martin. Speaking directly to, for, or about African Americans would lead some to accuse him of speaking primarily as a black man, while ignoring the idea of race would lead some to accuse him of failing to acknowledge its omnipresence in American life. To manage these constraints, the president employed what we have termed a doubled persona; that is, he enacted two different speaking personae and envisioned a distinct audience persona for each speaking persona: He spoke both as a black president and as a president who is black. 相似文献
13.
R. Lance Holbert Glenn J. Hansen Steve Mortensen Scott E. Caplan 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(3):209-216
This study analyzes the influence of Michael Moore's Fahrenheit 9/11 in coordination with presidential debate viewing on the outcome variable of confidence in George W. Bush's policy positions. In addition, the combined influence of these competing persuasive appeals is assessed across three political ideology groups: liberals, moderates, and conservatives. There is a statistically significant experimental stimulus-by-political ideology interaction, with Bush making substantial gains among political moderates who viewed Moore's film prior to a Bush-Kerry debate. The study also reveals similar patterns of influence for liberals and conservatives. 相似文献
14.
This study examines the effect of The Colbert Report, Comedy Central's mock conservative talk show, on young adults. By fashioning his character as a hyperbolic ideologue, Colbert is mocking personalities such as Bill O'Reilly. However, this study finds that when young adults are exposed to The Colbert Report's humor, they are not led to be more critical of the far right. Instead, the opposite happens, and there is an increased affinity for President Bush, Republicans in Congress, and Republican policies. Ironically, Colbert's attempts to poke fun at conservative commentators may be helping those same commentators spread their message. 相似文献
15.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(2):206-220
Rush Limbaugh is one of American radio's most successful performers, but that success has always come with controversy. In 2012, Limbaugh's comments about college student Sandra Fluke caused a public outcry and dozens of advertisers to suspend or end their participation on his daily program. This research, employing Benoit's image repair theory, examined how Limbaugh tried to deal with the fallout from his comments. The study found Limbaugh employed multiple strategies, including denial (shifting blame), evading responsibility (good intentions, provocation), reducing offensiveness (minimization, attacking one's accusers, transcendence) and mortification. 相似文献
16.
Deepa Kumar 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(1):48-69
It is now widely acknowledged that the Bush administration used faulty and false information to justify the 2003 war on Iraq, and that the mainstream media, by not adequately investigating the case for war, assisted with the project. In this paper, I outline the particular strategies employed by the media–military industrial complex to ensure a dominance of pro-war arguments in the public sphere. I conclude by arguing that the failure of the media in the US to meet the democratic needs of this society places enormous responsibility on intellectuals to produce scholarship critical of the new imperialism. 相似文献
17.
《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(1):21-44
Political candidates have responded to the public's desire to use the Internet as an interactive information source by creating their own online presence. This study is a content analysis of the Web sites and blogs of the 10 Americans vying to be the Democratic candidate for the 2004 presidential election. Focusing on interactivity, data indicated front pages hyperlink to participation areas such as Donation or Volunteer sections and rarely linked to external content. Blogs used hyperlinks at a rate less than Web sites. Interactivity was encouraged through text, as 83.7% of Web sites asked voters to become more involved. Blog posts discussed issues and attacked the opponents, including President Bush. For the most part, blog posts were personal in nature and used direct address. The tactical use of advanced Web site features showed a technological progression of political campaigning and an overall increase in interactivity through technology and text. 相似文献
18.
This study measures a spiral of silence in the context of actualopinion change during President George Bush's popularity declinein one of his political strongholds. Willingness of voters topublicly express their opinions about Bush were analyzed overthree pre-election surveys (N = 1,800) sponsored by a prominentlocal newspaper in Orange County, California. Respondents wereasked whether or not they would be willing to be reinterviewedby a reporter and have their names and views published in thepaper. The hypothesis that Bush supporters would be less willingthan others to agree to be reinterviewed during the period inwhich the president's ratings were dropping sharply is supported.This trend was most in evidence at the beginning of the presidentialcampaign, when Bush's ratings were in the steepest decline.These findings indicate the importance of actual opinion shiftsin spiral of silence research, and suggest several issues forfuture research on opinion change. 相似文献
19.
《Government Information Quarterly》1995,12(1):93-102
The article discusses the establishment of the Harry S. Truman Library, the initial challenge to the Library staff of processing President Truman's papers, the development of the first museum exhibits, Truman's dedication to teaching young people about American history, the support given to Library programs by the Harry S. Truman Library Institute, the development of Library programs from the 1960s through the early 1990s, and the Library's current focus on planning and building for the future. The importance of the guidance that President Truman provided to his Library during the period 1957 to 1965 is emphasized. 相似文献
20.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(2):125-139
A few weeks into the start of the Iraq War in 2003, the front page of the Los Angeles Times featured a large photograph depicting a dramatic scene in which a British soldier motions to Iraqi civilians to stay down while a father carrying a child creeps across the dirt. The image ran in several US newspapers before it was discovered to be a composite of two different images cobbled together by the veteran photographer, Brian Walski, on his laptop in Basra. The Los Angeles Times immediately fired Walski and, along with other journalists, commented publicly on the wrongness of his actions while reasserting the soundness of their reporting. In keeping with paradigm repair, many in the US journalistic community eschewed questions surrounding the complex practices of photojournalism to instead insist on the principle of objectivity as a guiding news norm. This view omits much, including the importance of craft and the role of aesthetic criteria in photojournalism. Especially in war, journalism privileges the dramatic image to communicate conflict. From this perspective the Walski incident raised issues related to the proliferation of digital photography and editing software, the visual representation of war, and the uneasy relationship between images and reality. 相似文献