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1.
Educational reform in South Africa envisions schooling where all students, irrespective of their background characteristics, have the opportunity to succeed. To achieve this vision, the South African education system needs to function in such a way that students’ success does not depend on their backgrounds; that is, if school processes and policies in South Africa were inclusive and supportive of the learning of all students then we would expect high-quality schools to compensate for socio-economic disadvantage such that the achievement gap associated with the socio-economic status (SES) would be minimised. The main objective of this paper is to explore the relationship between school quality and socio-economic disadvantage. Our analysis, employing multilevel statistical models, indicates that:
1. schools do make a difference over and above the socio-economic backgrounds of learners they enrol;
2. learners are most successful in schools where they and their parents are actively engaged in the learning processes; 3. schools with these characteristics tend to compensate for learners’ socio-economic disadvantage; 4. learners from disadvantaged backgrounds are less successful in schools; and 5. the impact of SES on learners’ achievement levels is particularly prominent in high-achieving schools.These findings call for the need to rethink the current schooling processes and policies to include structures that allow schools to provide opportunities to engage learners and their parents in the schooling processes with the objective of compensating for learners’ socio-economic disadvantage. We argue that this objective can be achieved through a capability framework where inclusion, democratic participation and child centredness serve as the major principles of the provision of quality education for all. 相似文献
2.
1998年发布的《科瑞克报告》(Crick Report)将公民教育从2002年开始纳入英国中学必修科目,将公民预备教育也作为小学教育评估的考察内容.无论是老牌民主国家,还是诸如东欧、中欧和拉美等新兴民主国家都认为,民主就其本质而言是脆弱的,它有赖于全体公民的积极参与.本文考察了欧洲及国际视野中的民主公民教育(EDC)背景、英国民主公民教育内涵和英国民主公民教育四大核心主题,分析指出英国民主公民教育所面临的挑战. 相似文献
3.
Politicians and policy-makers in education routinely proclaim the centrality of schools and teachers in sustaining and consolidating democracy and democratic society. This article offers an account of teachers engaged in research in their schools and classrooms, with peers and students, so as to highlight the democratic potential of this engagement. In order to do so, it draws on an agonistic account of democracy that is distinct from more familiar liberal or procedural versions. Such an account is characterised by an emphasis on the values of constitutive pluralism, robust contestation and enduring tragedy, where the latter entails recognition of the ineliminable nature of (political) conflict and the inevitability of loss in human life. The teachers involved in this research demonstrated capacities which, it is argued, reflect an agonistic democratic ethos, including: developing the confidence to assume intellectual leadership by asking questions and eliciting and engaging plural perspectives in relation to these questions; engagement in the cut and thrust of research without the expectation of finding any final or perfect solutions; and an acceptance of difference and disagreement as constitutive and constructive elements in rethinking areas of policy and practice. Developing and encouraging these capacities, it is argued, is important in an increasingly authoritarian policy context that threatens the vital links between democracy and education highlighted by Dewey a century ago. 相似文献
4.
Whither the Common Good? A Critique of Home Schooling 总被引：1，自引：1，他引：0
Chris Lubienski 《Peabody Journal of Education》2013,88(1-2):207-232
This analysis shows home schooling to be part of a general trend of elevating private goods over public goods. The discourse around home schooling centers on issues of individual rights and private benefits, rather than the public good. Yet, the public has an interest in education because there are unavoidable aspects of education that make it a public good. However, home schooling denies this public interest. It undermines the common good in two ways. First, it withdraws not only children but also social capital from public schools, to the detriment of the students remaining behind. Second, as an exit strategy, home schooling undermines the ability of public education to improve and become more responsive as a democratic institution. Thus, home schooling is not only a reaction to, but also a cause of, declining public schools. Therefore, it diminishes the potential of public education to serve the common good in a vibrant democracy. 相似文献
5.
教育民主的主体间性本质和方式 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
不同信仰和追求对民主的理解有很大差别,甚至完全相反。一种信仰追求的民主在另一种信仰看来很可能是虚假的甚至是专制的。但不同民主在追求平等、自由、自主等方面则是一致的,而民主与主体间性又有密切联系,它们追求的目标和坚持的原则具有高度的一致性。教育民主是运用民主方式提高民主素质的教育。师生主体间的自我确认、自由自主、平等交往、主动对话、相互理解、共同发展等教育方式也就是民主教育的方式。 相似文献
6.
Petra Engelbrecht Mirna Nel Suegnet Smit Marichelle van Deventer 《International Journal of Inclusive Education》2016,20(5):520-535
Inclusive education as a global movement emerged over the past 30 years to ensure quality mainstream education for all learners. Since 1994 the newly democratic South Africa also had expectations as well as the political will to change education by adjusting legislation and policies. However, the vision of a truly inclusive education system in South Africa has been difficult to achieve and results regarding the implementation of inclusive education remain questionable. There has been a growing realisation that the advent of democracy was not in itself a sufficient condition for the elimination of historical and structural inequalities in education with as recurring theme the dissonance between the government's socio-political imperative for change and economic realities. This article focuses on the development of policy and guidelines on inclusive education in dynamic interaction with the complexity of realities in South African schools with a special focus on the policy recommendations regarding the development of full-service schools. The constant comparative analysis of the two phased case study of a full-service school in a rural town revealed interesting results illustrating the complexities regarding the implementation of inclusive education and the challenges and opportunities in bridging the gap between the idealism of policies and the realities in schools. 相似文献
7.
We offer a theoretical and ecological argument for the preparation of citizens in U.S. public schools. This democratic education
draws legitimacy from the concern of the nations founders for a populace educated to govern itself. We also emphasize the
need for new democratic skills and knowledge in the face of today’s challenges, and our responsibility to prepare the young
for the 21st century. A critique of the current school reform movement is provided because of its undemocratic nature. We
issue a call for the transformation to democratic schools. We specifically argue that current efforts at reform are maintaining
historical inequities, while also depriving those that enjoy social and economic advantages of the education needed to meet
the challenges of a rapidly changing world. The democratic education proposed is based on three goals: citizenship preparation, inclusion, and an optimum learning environment. Seven well established principles of democracy and their relationship to schooling are presented. These include; the nature
of authority, inclusiveness, equal availability of the understanding required for deliberating the most serious challenges
to democracy and livability, equal access to centers of political decision-making, guaranteed inalienable rights, equality,
and universal access to an optimum learning environment. We offer a fundamentally different approach to educational reform:
calling for a reassessment of the role of public schools in a democracy that recognizes the importance of citizenship preparation,
and a “bottom up” reform model that starts in the classroom and can be implemented by individual teachers. 相似文献
8.
Barbara S. Stengel 《Educational theory》2016,66(1-2):227-230
At present, the structures, practice, and discourse of schooling are anchored to a “commercial spirit” that understands students, educators, and parents as economic operators trading competitively in human capital and to a discourse of failure that is disabling those who seek to understand and enact John Dewey's notion of education as democratic practice. Here Barbara Stengel illustrates both the commercial spirit in public schools and the discourse of school failure across two geopolitical settings: Shanghai, China, and urban U.S. schools. She argues that framing the educational enterprise in terms of economic success and failure makes it difficult for educators to address Dewey's vision of democracy and education substantively. Stengel concludes with an acknowledgment that, regardless of putative political commitments, these two public school systems are schooling — though not often educating — the same neoliberal subject, but that Dewey's vision of democracy and education nonetheless remains critical and compelling. 相似文献
9.
Educating for active and informed citizenship represents a core goal of Australian education and schooling. Owing to a range of factors – including the contested conceptual nature of citizenship and democracy – there is reason to question the extent to which this goal is being translated into practice. Similarly, while the Australian Curriculum requires students to engage with others in talk, this is framed rather broadly. Recognizing the value of greater conceptual precision about citizenship, democracy and discursive interactions, this article explores the value of deliberative democracy as a frame for active and informed citizenship. In doing so it argues that viewing schools as deliberative spaces which do/could engage in deliberative pedagogies provides a useful and focused basis for conceiving how young Australians do and can engage in, and learn, the capacities necessary for democratic citizenship. 相似文献
10.
社会民主与学校重建的关系是杜威教育思想中的一个核心主题。工业革命以及随之引起的在科技、交通、政治、经济、文化等社会诸领域的全面变革,对美国民主构成了严峻挑战。从哲学高度,深入反思学校如何重建和变革,以在美国社会的民主进程中扮演更为积极、有为的角色,成为一个重大而紧迫的时代课题。杜威从教育的角度,重构了民主概念,主张学校应超越旧个人主义的狭隘性,通过主动作业培养未来公民的民主意识和社会精神。20世纪20年代前后,杜威的教育思想发生转向,对制度化教育在社会民主进程中的功能的有限性的认识更为清晰,但终其一生,杜威都未曾放弃对学校重建问题的关心。杜威有关民主和学校重建关系问题的思想十分深刻,超越了杰斐逊和贺拉斯·曼等前人,影响了克伯屈和拉格等社会改造主义教育家。在美国教育史中,杜威是一位继往开来的大师。 相似文献
11.
JOSE DEVÍS‐DEVÍS 《Curriculum Journal》2013,24(2):213-230
Abstract Since the late 1980s, reform of the Spanish education system has been justified by reformists as a response to the social and economic changes that have occurred in Spanish society since the democratic transition in the 1970s. Consolidation of democracy, development of technology and economic convergence with the advanced nations of Europe have been seen as the major challenges for educational reform. Restructuring and legitimation processes derived from the requirements of the new reform have been conceptualized as a policy of reconversion, the main purpose of which is to maintain, or achieve, a strong competitive position in the international market. In this paper, conceptualizing educational reform as a reconversion process will allow us to link aspects of the new curriculum (content, pedagogy and assessment), school organization, teaching and teacher education in physical education with wider economic, social and cultural influences and explore the tensions and conflicts between policy and practice in PE in schools. The paper will argue that there is a widening gap between the interests of progressive educationalists and the direction of market‐driven education reform. 相似文献
12.
Hsiao-Yuh Ku 《Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education》2016,52(3):266-285
R.H. Tawney (1880–1962), a leading English economic historian and prominent socialist, was vigorously involved in educational reconstruction during the Second World War. For Tawney, the war was a war for social democracy. His ideals of social democracy formed a basis for his case for Public (independent) School reform and free secondary education for all. Despite this, the connection between Tawney’s ideals and his perspectives on educational issues has not been addressed fully by historians and thus there has been a lack of a proper explanation for his often criticised sympathy for the public schools and his indifference towards the multilateral school. Hence, this paper aims to re-examine the link between them in greater depth. It concludes that, according to Tawney’s ideals of social democracy, the abolition of the public schools was not necessary for the establishment of a democratic educational system. Moreover, Tawney did not launch an attack on the tripartite system proposed by the Norwood Report of 1943 since it was not against his ideal of equality as long as different secondary schools were equal in quality and status. Equality, he believed, must be advanced through the raising of the school leaving age to 16 and the abolition of fees in all secondary schools. Thus, he laid more emphasis on the school leaving age and tuition fees than on the multilateral school. In brief, on various issues pertaining to secondary education, Tawney’s opinions and actions were deeply grounded in his distinctive ideals of social democracy. 相似文献
13.
The importance of reading literacy as a foundation for academic success is widely acknowledged. What is less well understood is why gender patterns in reading literacy emerge so early and continue throughout learners’ educational careers. This paper adds to this literature by investigating the gender patterns of reading literacy (why girls outperform boys) in South African primary schools and whether changes in the schooling system can result in favourable changes in this gender reading gap. Compatible with international trends, girls in primary schools were significantly better readers than boys during the period of investigation. We found strong links between material and human resources and achievement in reading. The link between increased resource availability and improved educational outcomes was stronger for girls than for boys and therefore increased the female academic advantage. This finding remained consistent across socioeconomic levels. The implication is that either the school resources available in South African primary schools are more suitable for teaching girls how to read or that girls appear to be able to make use of the available resources more effectively to improve reading. Policy interpretations are discussed in the context of improved resourcing of schools. 相似文献
14.
Orit Ichilov 《The Urban Review》2012,44(2):281-301
My purpose is to examine and evaluate the implementation of market ideology and practices in education through the prism of
both modern democratic theory and the discourse of rights. I examine the essence and defining characteristics of public schooling
in modern democratic theory, explore the democratic purposes of education, and the unique mission of public schools. I also
analyze the vision of public schooling that surfaces from the discourse of human rights and children’s rights, examining relevant
UN declarations and conventions. I then proceed to discuss some major manifestations of markets in education, question their
congruence with the democratic vision of public schooling, and examine their consequences for both citizenship and citizenship
education. My conclusion is that markets in education, and the formulation of education policies and practices through decision-making
processes dominated by business and parents, are not necessarily fashioned in the best interest of a democratic society. 相似文献
15.
Stephen Rowland 《Teaching in Higher Education》2013,18(1):89-101
Britain, South Africa and Russia all have national policies that acknowledge that higher education should play a role in the development of democracy. This paper reports how a group of teaching staff in British, South African and Russian universities view the relationships between their teaching and their understandings of its democratic purposes. There are some common ways in which the relationship between teaching and democracy is understood. These point towards a concern for greater equality between teachers and learners. There is also a widely held view that globalisation may impact in ways which are counter to lecturers' educational and democratic purposes. However, the different cultures and histories of the countries heavily influence such understandings. The study suggests that professional development of university teachers might pay more attention to the democratic purposes of higher education. 相似文献
16.
《Africa Education Review》2013,10(1):96-105
Abstract Much still needs to be done to transform schooling in South Africa and provide education of equal quality to all learners. The notion of encouraging close collaboration between schools is widely accepted as a possible strategy to improve the quality of schooling in a particular geographical area. In this article, we discuss research conducted on the implementation of the Better Schools Programme cluster in Zimbabwe (BSPZ), a system of inter-school collaboration aiming at improving the quality of teaching and learning at the member schools. One of the primary objectives was to enhance teachers’ professional development by means of the establishment of professional infrastructure. Despite the shortcomings highlighted, our exploratory study brought to the fore potential advantages of school clusters as a type of formalised school collaboration which can indeed promote quality and equality in the South African schooling system. 相似文献
17.
Thokozani Mathebula 《Africa Education Review》2018,15(2):1-15
In the history of South African education there have been three contrasting attempts to incorporate learners into the authority structures of schools, namely: “boy-government” (prefect system), “student-government” (Student Representative Councils (SRCs)) and “learner-government” (Representative Councils of Learners (RCLs)). This article traces the historical development of these traditions in governance in South African schools. Against this background, it proffers a historical analysis of these traditions to show that the phrase “learner representative council” is at a crossroads, that is, it is being stretched and pulled in different directions in post-apartheid South Africa. It points out that “student-government” was born out of the rejection of the unpopular “boy-government”. It also provides a critical analysis of the attempt of the national Guides for Representative Councils of Learners (Guides for RCLs) (DoE 1999) to blend the “prefect” and “SRC” traditions in order to strengthen democracy at school level. In doing so, it argues that the Guides for RCLs undermine democratic SRCs developed in the anti-apartheid education struggle. In the end, the article defends the “student-government” tradition because of its potential to educate for democratic citizenship in post-apartheid South African schools. 相似文献
18.
Ruth Boyask Jean C. McPhail Baljit Kaur Kane O'Connell 《Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education》2008,29(1):19-34
Through an exploration of two experimental schools, Oruaiti (1950s) and Discovery 1 (2000s), we aim to understand the socio-political contexts that create spaces for experimentation and examine their impact on mainstream schooling. Caught between competing, often contradictory, discourses such experiments struggle between the ‘regeneration’ and ‘reproduction’ functions of schooling. However, we argue that while they have limited impact on mainstream school reform, they contribute ideas of a democratic society and its citizenry. Consequently, they provide ‘windows’ into real-life laboratories in which social debates regarding the function and power of schooling, and specific visions of democracy are played out. 相似文献
19.
The preparation of teachers for diversity within and between schools is a growing focus in teacher education worldwide, and particularly in South Africa, where the education landscape has shifted dramatically since the democratic elections of 1994. While diversity is a recurring theme in the literature, the matter of contextual diversity still offers serious challenges to teacher education. This paper focuses on the urgent need to prepare teachers for all school contexts in South Africa, particularly those where neglect carrying over from Apartheid inequalities make failure and a sense of inferiority the norm. It uses critical theory and the capabilities approach to analyse extracts from discussions with early years’ student teachers which express needs with regard to preparation for specific situations faced during field experience with young children. The analysis shows that these students are not adequately prepared to teach in the previously disadvantaged schools which cater for the majority of South Africa’s learners, and that there is a disjuncture between preparation received in the lecture room and realities encountered in the field. It argues for a shift in emphasis from teacher education models which construct middle class classrooms as ideal to those which build quality education for disadvantaged learners, rural contexts, and African language speakers. 相似文献
20.
优势与障碍:我国终身教育体系的推进 总被引：4，自引：0，他引：4
我国发展终身教育的优势有终身教育思想正在转化为政策和社会发展目标;以政府办学为主向多种办学主体和办学模式转化;高等教育自学考试制度的完善;社区教育正在兴起;终身教育思想正在普通中小学渗透;高等教育的开放;成人教育和职业教育的扩展。现实障碍有办学观念落后,教育体制封闭和教育行政管理僵化,教育经费匮乏,教育组织机构不足和教育服务质量和效率不高。 相似文献