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1.
Our study was motivated by the fact that, despite the increasing pervasiveness of political advertising in the political process of many democracies, little empirical research has been conducted to unveil common patterns or crucial differences of political spots across cultural boundaries. Our study thus provided one opportunity to gain better understanding and insights into how media phenomena are related to cultural orientation by comparing and contrasting the content of political spots across the United States and South Korea. In particular, this study analyzed verbal components of political spots in both US and Korean presidential elections over the past 20 years. To the extent that clear differences exist between American and Korean cultural patterns, political spots, which are a conspicuous indicator of cultural values, appear to manifest these differences quite strongly. The findings of this study provide evidence that political advertising primarily reflects the uniqueness of indigenous cultures. 相似文献
2.
A statewide survey (N = 564) before Ohio's 2006 gubernatorial election examined political interest, campaign news and advertising attention, and perceived effects of negative political ads. Interest was related to political and negative political advertising attention, which were in turn related to campaign news attention. Candidate preference predicted attention to political and negative political ads; attention to ads significantly predicted perceived effects on self and on others, whereas attention to negative ads significantly predicted third-person differential (other minus self). In addition, individuals polled in this survey admitted that attention to ads and negative ads was having comparable effects on both themselves and others. This finding may be due to the climate surrounding Ohio's gubernatorial race, which instilled a political importance and social desirability that abated the need to disown an effect of negative advertising on oneself. 相似文献
3.
Based on a statewide telephone survey before the 2004 presidential election, this study probes Ohioans' attention to and perception of campaign advertising and the perceived effects of those negative political ads. Citizens in this “battleground” state had a very high level of awareness of campaign advertising, characterizing it as more negative than in the past. Self-reported attention to the campaign and measured use of local and national television news were related to perceived campaign negativity. Evidence of a third-person effect regarding a specific type of negative advertising was found. However, the effect was moderated by candidate choice. 相似文献
4.
This research examines illustrated propaganda leaflets designed by the military to influence the Communist enemy during the Korean War (1950–1953). The United States built a propaganda operation in an effort to counteract Communist ideology. This required military propagandists to design a leaflet campaign to reach the enemy by means of pictures and text. But skeptics demanded evidence that leaflet-based propaganda was effective; psyop staff responded by gathering documentation. Leaflet campaigns seemed to have had limited effect, however. Authors conclude that psyop staff found it challenging to design leaflets faced with an unclear mission, designers trained in irrelevant techniques of American advertising, anti-Asian bias, and weaknesses in measurements. 相似文献
5.
本文梳理归纳了负面竞选广告相关研究的切入角度和结论,总结存在的分歧,指明未来研究的方向。综述发现,负面竞选广告研究大都基于西方文化背景和传统媒体,广告的使用受到候选人在任与否、民意支持度、所属政党、竞选阶段和文化的影响;广告发挥了候选人所预期的效果,但也可能产生反弹效果。此外,负面竞选广告对政治参与是促进还是抑制作用,已有研究结果尚存分歧。 相似文献
6.
《College & Undergraduate Libraries》2013,20(1-2):139-152
Abstract The Texas A&M University Libraries undertook a collaborative project with the local American Advertising Federation (AAF) undergraduate student chapter to develop a marketing campaign to advertise the availability of 30,000 netLibrary electronic books. The promotional campaign resulted in the creation of approximately 200 new user accounts and 3,800 e-book circulations within the first two weeks. The campaign of screensaver ads and posters that were developed are still in use for ongoing promotion of the netLibrary e-books. The AAF students benefited from having an ad campaign to include in their personal portfolios and the Libraries gained a creative and undergraduate student-focused advertising campaign. 相似文献
7.
William L. Benoit 《Communication Studies》2013,64(3):274-295
This study applied the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to 118 political advertisements (television spots, newspaper ads, direct mail, and WWW pages) from 1998. Acclaims (self‐praise; positive statements) were the most common function (84%), followed by attacks (criticism, negative statements; 15%). Defenses (refutation of attacks) were relatively infrequent (1%). There were some differences by medium (WWW pages had the most acclaims, while television spots had the most attacks; no defenses occurred on WWW pages or in direct mail) but these functions are consistent both across media and with prior research on presidential campaign advertising. Incumbents produced more acclaims than challengers, who attacked more than incumbents. Finally, policy utterances were more common than character utterances in all media but www pages. The overall consistency in Junctions and topics across media and across levels of campaigns (presidential and non‐presidential) strongly suggests the existence of important situational influences on political campaign advertising. These findings can be useful for practitioners, theorists, and critics of campaign discourse. 相似文献
8.
This study examines whether or not attention to campaign newsinfluences political trust. It also explores whether politicaltrust predicts attention to campaign news, and whether the mechanismof influence between attention to campaign news and politicaltrust differs across educational levels. Political trust wasoperationalized as trust in government. The 1992 American NationalElection Survey data were used. Results of two-stage least squaresanalysis show that attention to television campaign coveragereduced trust in government, while a low level of trust in governmentincreased attention to newspaper campaign coverage. More importantly,the mechanism of influence between political trust and attentionto campaign coverage differed across educational levels. Amongthe less educated, attention to campaign coverage on televisionled to lower levels of trust. Among the more educated, a lowlevel of trust in government increased attention to campaigncoverage. The findings also indicate that the types of media(television vs. newspapers) matter when it comes to media effectson political trust, Implications of findings on the relationshipsbetween the concepts of political trust, vigilant skepticism,education, and media use are discussed. 相似文献
9.
Yung-I Liu 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(1):46-73
Due to targeting strategies employed by political campaigns, campaign intensity is not uniform across the whole country. This study investigates how an individual's communication context, defined by geospatial characteristics created by campaigns, would influence his or her political learning. Data for this study come from three separate studies conducted during the 2000 U.S. presidential election. The results from a series of multilevel modeling analyses indicate that contextual-level political advertising and candidate appearances moderate the relationship between newspaper use and political knowledge, and the relationship between political discussion and political knowledge. This study not only demonstrates that conditional communication effects hinge on geospatial factors but also helps to develop contextual theories of communication that specifically address effects of contextual factors and cross-level interactions. 相似文献
10.
This experiment (N = 198), conducted just before the 2008 presidential election, set out to examine the effects of tone and sponsorship in current political advertising, the first such study since campaign law began requiring candidates to approve their ads explicitly. In another first, we also examined the role of reactance in responses to political advertising. With regard to tone, positive ads received higher ad evaluation and cognitive response valence scores and less reactance than negative ads, but negative ads led to a greater likelihood of turning out to vote. Moreover, those without a strong candidate preference were more likely to vote for a candidate supported by a negative ad. Sponsorship had little effect on its own, but there were some intriguing interactions with political knowledge such that high-knowledge respondents had less reactance and lower opponent ratings, whereas moderate-knowledge respondents had the opposite reaction. We also found that reactance appears to play a major role in the effects of political advertising. It was associated directly with more negative cognitive responses, ad, and candidate evaluations and indirectly with lower intention to vote for the candidate supported by the ad, but it had no relationship with intent to turn out to vote. 相似文献
11.
Presidential election campaigns provide opportunities for parents to socialize their children to become politically engaged citizens. However, news coverage of the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign contained inappropriate content, leading parents to possibly restrict or denigrate rather than encourage child campaign news consumption. This study built on literatures in political socialization and parental mediation to explore mediation of campaign news coverage. Data from a representative sample of American parents during the Autumn of 2016 revealed that co-viewing, active mediation, and restrictive mediation were relatively common. The predictors of mediation included political variables, parenting orientations, and child factors, with the latter two often interacting with one another. The results have implications for how we conceptualize both political socialization and parental mediation. 相似文献
12.
This study investigated the nature of direct mail advertising, a commonly used but little studied form of political campaign communication. 715 brochures were content analyzed employing the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse and Issue Ownership Theory. Acclaims were more common than attacks, which in turn were more frequent than defenses. Primary campaign pamphlets used more acclaims and fewer attacks than general campaign brochures. Democrats used more attacks and fewer acclaims than Republicans. In the general campaign, incumbent party candidates acclaimed more and attacked less than challengers. Incumbents were also prone to use past deeds to acclaim more, and attack less, than challengers. Incumbents tended to use future plans to acclaim more, and attack less, than challengers. Winners used more acclaims and fewer attacks than losers. Overall, direct mail brochures discussed policy more than character. Democrats discussed policy more and character less than Republicans. Democrats discussed Democratic issues more, and Republican issues less, than Republicans. Incumbent party candidates discussed policy more, and character less, than challengers. Winners discussed policy more, and character less, than losers. Winners attacked more on policy, and less on character, than losers. Similarities and differences between direct mail advertising and other message forms were discussed. 相似文献
13.
Here is a book that makes you want to shout, ‘Finally!’For decades, political scientists and communication researchershave been focusing intensively on the question of how peoplemake their final voting decision and how this decision is influencedby reporting in the mass media and campaign advertising. Nevertheless,even though there is enough literature on this subject to filla library, only very few studies have dealt with the issue ofemotional appeals in election coverage and campaign advertising—andvoters’ emotional, possibly irrational reactions to theseappeals. Although numerous findings in the fields of psychology,neuroscience, and behavioral research suggest that emotionalappeals and reactions play an important role when it comes toall kinds of decisions—which, of course, also includesvoting decisions—social researchers in the United Statesand elsewhere have, 相似文献
14.
Min-Sun Kim Atsushi Oshio Eun Joo Kim Katsuya Tasaki Kenton Bruce Anderson Ayano Yamaguchi 《Communication Research Reports》2019,36(1):14-23
Extant U.S. research shows that when a persuader’s initial message is rebuffed, the next requesting message will tend to be ruder and more aggressive than the initial appeal. The robustness of these results has rarely been tested cross-culturally. Using conversational constraints theory, we further explicate implicit theories by investigating the perceived importance of constraints of re-requesting styles across two cultural-linguistic groups (i.e., Korean and American English speakers). Consistent with the “rebuff phenomenon,” results revealed that people rated the task constraint (“clarity”) as significantly more important, and the three face-related constraints (“concern for the other’s feelings,” “minimizing imposition,” and “avoiding negative evaluation”) as significantly less important for the second-attempt requesting than for the initial requesting. Some of these tendencies were more pronounced among American English speakers than among Korean speakers. 相似文献
15.
Though the political advertising literature has documented the effects of political advertising on political attitudes and voting behavior, less attention has been paid to the role of political advertising in stimulating information search. This study seeks to examine the impact of political advertising on real world information seeking using CMAG data from the Wisconsin Ad Project combined with Google Trends search data. Results suggest that increased advertising volume is associated with increased online information seeking. Additionally, this study tests the feasibility of using Google Trends search data as a proxy measure of political information seeking. 相似文献
16.
Young Min PhD 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):192-204
The present study, as an international application of an agenda-setting model, investigates how campaign agendas of issues are constructed in an election. The Korean Congressional election of 2000 provided rich empirical data for this study; the political party agenda, the civic agenda, and the news agenda were measured in terms of issue salience at two different data points in time during the official campaign period. The results of the cross-lagged rank-order correlations between different agendas indicated the following. First, the party agenda as a whole had little impact on the formation of the news agenda. The party–news relationship, however, showed a different pattern at an individual newspaper level. Specifically, a more conservative newspaper was more susceptible to those parties’ agenda-setting than was its progressive rival. Second, a nationwide civic movement for political reforms slightly influenced the formation of the news agenda, especially that of the reformist newspaper agenda. Both newspapers, on the other hand, substantially influenced the civic campaign's issue emphases. Finally, there existed no significant interactions between the party and the civic agendas. 相似文献
17.
Anna Cornelia Fahey 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(2):132-150
French leaders met the September 2002 announcement of preemptive U.S. military action in Iraq with open disapproval. Thereafter, in the build-up to the “Iraq war,” as U.S. military strikes began in 2003 and continued in 2004, France became the target of nationalistic attacks in the United States. Building on this anti-French sentiment, George W. Bush's 2004 presidential campaign used narratives that cast Frenchness as feminine, assigning “Frenchness” to Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry—and thereby characterizing him as unfit for the White House. Specifically, political conservatives sought to strip Kerry of the masculine qualities perceived necessary to serve as president of the United States. Analysis of American political and media discourse from September 2002 to November 2004 shows that the 2004 presidential campaign came to be defined in substantial part by nationalistic and sexist political communications that capitalized upon and reinscribed patterns and norms of hegemonic masculinity while also feminizing and devaluing dissent in times of war. 相似文献
18.
Michael Serazio 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2016,33(2):181-194
The term “anti-establishment” has witnessed a revealing rise in recent American political discourse. Combining textual analysis of news coverage and speeches with in-depth interviews with dozens of consultants involved in the encoding of mediated political communication, this research analyzes and critiques its deployment and significance in Republican campaign messaging. Mapping the contours of this rhetorical strategy, a typology of four dimensions of tension emerges: insurrection versus order; populism versus insider power; real America versus elitism; and purity versus compromise. As an exercise in critical political communication, the argument concludes that “anti-establishment” rhetoric seeks to stoke and co-opt resentment while effacing powerful, privileged economic interests. 相似文献
19.
奥运商业化运作的前提条件是其自身所拥有的巨大商业价值,奥运商业化运作的内在动因是其蕴有的巨大经济效益,而奥运商业化运作的核心要素则是其被世界传媒和跨国企业所看重与追求的全球广告平台和无可比拟的广告传播效应。 相似文献
20.
中国现代作家与中国广告的进程有着密切的关系,广告被中国现代作家广泛用于作品介绍、思想斗争、文学批评和创作素材。中国现代作家在其广告活动中积累了丰富的广告创作经验。 相似文献