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Georg Christ 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(1):62-77
AbstractThree case studies (Veneto-Cretan shipping of Egyptian-Arab merchandise, Catalan-Venetian cooperation, and Venice acting on behalf of Latin pilgrims) around the activities of the Venetian consul inform an investigation of the cosmopolitan community formed by local groups and foreign nations, and the role of the Venetian consul in this wider community. It will be argued that the Venetian consul was not only a Venetian envoy but also a Mamlūk official and an informal head of the cosmopolitan business community in late medieval Alexandria. 相似文献
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Yehoshua Frenkel 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(1):78-92
AbstractWhile modern scholars, medieval European and anachronistic Arab sources paint a portrait of Mamlūk Alexandria as a bustling and thriving international port, contemporary Arabic writings of the second half of the ninth/fifteenth and the first quarter of the tenth/sixteenth centuries present quite a different image. This article analyses Arabic chronicles to demonstrate that, from the Cairene perspective, Alexandria was a frontier city that was utilised as a jail for banished political prisoners. In contrast to other parts of their realm, investment in Alexandria by the Mamlūk regime was largely limited to fortifying it against seaborne threats; the sultans did little to embellish the city for civilian or religious purposes. Thus, the city was marginalised, politically and socially, even while still maintaining its role as a gateway to Egypt. 相似文献
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Cristian Caselli 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2013,25(2):252-263
Among the Latin states, it was the maritime republic of Genoa that established the earliest official contacts with the Ottomans by concluding a treaty with them in 1352. This was the first step in the development of relatively smooth relations between the Genoese and the Ottoman Empire, which lasted from the mid-fourteenth until the mid-fifteenth century. Within Christendom, such familiarity earned the republic a negative reputation, which the adversaries of Genoa – Venice among others – tried to exploit for their own purposes. An element that contributed to the idea of a close connection between the Genoese and Ottomans was the outstanding position gained by some citizens of Genoa at the Ottoman court. They were influential men of affairs who owed their acquaintance with the sultans to their specific commercial activity. However, despite the fact that in some cases they held offices in the Genoese colonial administration, these merchants acted quite independently of Genoa itself and sometimes contrary to its directives. 相似文献
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Isabel O’connor 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2005,17(1):99-108
By the late thirteenth century the balance of power that had been established in the 1250s in the kingdom of Valencia between Christians and Muslims had been deeply altered. Christian demographic pressure resulted in increased encroachment of Mudejar privileges. At a time when their military leadership had left the kingdom, the Mudejars were forced to create a different apparatus to resist Christian abuse, especially from local officials. Thus, the Mudejars created an internal network of support that through legal and illegal channels, both at the individual and communal level, helped other Mudejars who were fleeing from the law. 相似文献
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Paul E. Walker 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(1):36-48
AbstractThe arrival in Alexandria of al-?ur?ūshī from Spain and al-Silafī from Iran and the settling there of both early in the sixth/twelfth century created a nucleus of Sunni learning that grew into a full-blown renaissance. Many additional scholars participated, either as students and colleagues of these two, or on their own. As one result, the city itself became, over the first half of that century, a noted entrepôt for the east–west exchange of scholarship in the Muslim world, and all this despite the core Shi‘ism of the Fā?imid dynasty that controlled Egypt, including Alexandria. This renaissance in fact continued to flourish until the Fā?imids were finally supplanted in 567/1171 by the Ayyūbids, a full two decades into the second half of the same century, at which time Cairo became once again a major centre of Sunnism. 相似文献
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Pedro Buendía 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(2):168-182
The history of ice in medieval Arab societies is obscured behind a mosaic of a variety of references and scholarly citations. Beyond al-Qalqashandī's reference to organised ice trafficking in fourteenth-century Mamluk Egypt, we do not have conclusive evidence on the origin and use of ice as a consumer product. In this paper we trace its presence based on three genres of references: historical and literary quotations, medicine and literature pertaining to food. These references allow us to consider the extent of ice consumption in the Arab world before the ninth century, as well as the existence of an organised trade throughout the Middle Ages from that time. However, contrary to the Persian world, with its well-documented Iranian yakhchals, we still know virtually nothing about ice-houses in medieval Arab societies. We also know very little about the profession of the thallāj or ice-seller, or whether the widespread consumption of ice that originated in Spain in the sixteenth century was in fact a legacy of an earlier trade in al-Andalus. 相似文献
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A.C.S. Peacock 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(3):267-287
This article examines the frontier between the Seljuk Sultanate of Rūm and its Byzantine neighbours in the thirteenth century, concentrating on the place of these frontier districts within the Seljuk state. Scholarship on the frontier, influenced by the ideas of Paul Wittek, has seen it as something of a “no man's land”, politically, economically, culturally and religiously distinct from the urban heartland of the Seljuk sultanate in central Anatolia, dominated by the nomadic Turks, the Turkmen, who operated largely beyond sultanic control. It is often thought that the Seljuk and Greek sides of the border shared more in common with each other than they did with the states of which they formed a part. In contrast, this article argues that in fact the western frontier regions were closely integrated into the Seljuk sultanate. Furthermore, with the Mongol domination of the Seljuk sultanate in the second half of the thirteenth century, the Seljuk and Mongol elites became increasingly involved in this frontier region, where some of the leading figures of the sultanate had estates and endowments. 相似文献
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Niall Christie 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(1):49-61
AbstractThis article examines the position of Alexandria during the crusading period (487–857/1095–1453), seeking to open up the question indicated in the title for discussion. Did Alexandria's importance as a trade centre have an impact on whether or not it became the target of military attacks by the Franks? What other forms of contention was it a focus for during the period? While not claiming to provide conclusive answers, we seek at least to provide a starting point for discussion of this complex issue. 相似文献
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Bernard Hamilton 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2011,23(2):117-124
Partly because the First Crusade had weakened the Seljuk Sultanate in 1097–1099, David III of Georgia was able to extend his power over much of the Caucasus. The rulers of the Crusader States who stood in need of Eastern Christian allies sought to co-operate with him. Yet although some Western knights served in his army, the practical difficulties of co-ordinating joint action against the Islamic powers of north Syria and Anatolia in the twelfth century proved insuperable. In the thirteenth century the Georgian crown offered an alliance to the leaders of the Fifth Crusade: their forces would attack the northern provinces of the Ayyūbid Empire while the crusaders were invading Egypt. This strategy was sound, but the rise of the Mongol Empire prevented it from being implemented. Nevertheless, the desire for military collaboration between Georgia and the Western powers persisted until the mid-fifteenth century. 相似文献
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《Cultural and Social History》2013,10(3):355-363
This paper will analyse three major episodes of Casanova's Histoire de ma vie during which Casanova comes to grips with practices of charlatanism or magic, either as a “patient” or actively: 1. His cure, as a child by the sorceress of Murano to whom he is taken by his beloved grandmother. 2. His guest in the little Italian village of Cesena for a buried treasure whic he prides himself on being able to discover with the help of a sacred knife. 3. His inventive, libertine scenarios elaborated for the particular purpose of “regenerating” (dazzling and pleasuring) the marquise d'Urfé, known as Séramis, an old aristocrat with a passion for occult knowledge. Casanova's attitude towards all that has to do with gambling, deception, chance, and all the ways to influence it is thoroughly complex and ambiguous. It is one of the features of his Venetian mentality; and it is also a phenomenon of the time, which is wrongly called the “century of the Enlightenment”. More narrowly, close scrutiny of these three occasions should allow us to grasp how Casanova saw his place in the couple of the dupe and the trickster. This paper will show how he understood the world and its underlying forces, and what type of intelligence — more baroque than Cartesian in inspiration — was at work in him. 相似文献
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《Cultural and Social History》2013,10(3):250-263
The history of medicine during the enlightenment is full of paradoxes, and nowhere is this more evident than in the phenomenon of charlatanry. On the one hand, for the charlatans' numerical abundance and sheer audacity, historians have sometimes singled out the eighteenth century as the ‘golden age of quackery’. At the same time, it was one of increasing control and severity by the medical elites.In Italy, from the mid-sixteenth century, protomedicato tribunals, colleges of physicians, or health offices (jurisdiction varied from state to state) had required ciarlatani to submit their wares for inspection and, upon approval, pay a licence fee in order to set up a stage from which to perform and sell them. This procedure became an administrative routine, and the ‘licensed charlatan’ – not the paradox it might seem – became a common sight in Italian towns. The licensing regime gives the historian unparalleled opportunities when it comes to the investigation of suspect but generally tolerated categories such as charlatans. This article is partly based on a database compiled from the licences issued to some 1100 different charlatans by the various medical authorities in the states of Italy from 1550 to 1800.During the eighteenth century we notice a downward trend in the number of licences issued (in places such as Siena, Mantua, and Turin), especially from the middle of the century onwards. This was not part of a policy to discontinue the licensing of charlatans, for various reasons (which the article examines), but it did reflect a stricter licensing regime. This is especially evident in the attitude of the authorities to oral (or internal) remedies. Moreover, as of the early 1760s, both the Venetian and Milanese authorities began to reject charlatans' petitions to sell remedies that were not original, resembled medicines already stocked by apothecaries, or were judged to be either harmful or ineffective. The similarity to established remedies that had once helped ensure a charlatan's acceptance and licensing now prevented it. Fewer licence applicants met these criteria; there also appear to have been fewer applicants. The harsh policy may have made charlatanry a less attractive career option or economic opportunity than in previous centuries, reducing the supply and marginalizing charlatanry, economically and geographically. 相似文献
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Martin Borýsek 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(3):241-266
Takkanot Kandiyah is a collection of Hebrew-written legislative texts regarding the leadership of the Jewish community of Candia, the capital of the Venetian colony of Crete, which were issued by successive generations of communal leaders between the early thirteenth and late sixteenth centuries. The detailed information it provides on many areas of the communal life makes Takkanot Kandiyah a valuable source for historical research into Jewish life in the medieval and Early Modern Mediterranean. Through a study of the texts contained in Takkanot Kandiyah, this article attempts to identify and analyse the ways in which the leadership of the Candiot community responded to the challenges of coexistence with the Greek inhabitants of Crete and the Venetian rulers of the island, as well as with the Jewish immigrants whom the currents of history brought to Crete from various corners of the Mediterranean, and thus to examine the importance of the “Mediterranean dimension” of the life of Cretan Jewry. 相似文献
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JOSEPH DRORY 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2003,15(2):161-187
The fate, political activities and cultural inclinations of the Ayyū bid sultans have occupied no more than a minor share of Orientalists' research interest. Admittedly, within this limited scope, a relatively large degree of attention is being paid to the celebrated rulers (those of the first generation, Salāh al-Dīn and al-‘ādil; their follower, al-Kāmil; and the illustrious representative of the last era, al-Sālih Ayyūb). Even these sovereigns, however, are mainly dealt with in the context of and with relevance to the stances and attitudes adopted by them toward the crusaders. Nonetheless, within Islamic historical and biographical literature, a broader insight and consideration may certainly be given to a number of aspects of the Ayyūbid period, as well as to its rulers within their intrinsic setting. This article aims to survey the tormented biography, whereabouts, achievements and confrontations of one of the less renowned and less influential rulers of that dynasty, al-Nāsir Dāwūd (d. 656/1258), son and heir of al-Mu‘azzam ‘īsā (d. 624/1227) who reigned from his seat in Karak for more than two decades and was involved with cities and locations on both sides of the Jordan River. The challenges that al-Nāsir Dāwūd had to face, the solutions that he found and implemented, and the appreciation that he earned from contemporaries and followers alike, all portray a broad spectrum of statesmanlike behaviour and practice in the thirteenth century in the region. They may well shed light on particular biographical features, aspirations and frustrations of al-Nāsir Dāwūd as an individual person. In addition, the literary priorities or activity related to al-Nāsir Dāwūd may provide a glimpse of the education given to medieval Muslim princes, as well as of their taste and style. Finally, al-Nāsir Dāwū d's chronicle may corroborate or certify some stereotypes attached to this dynasty (opportunistic decisions, excessive political trickery, survival at all costs). 相似文献
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John P. Cooper 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(1):53-73
By the fourth/tenth century, Egypt's Nile Delta had just two major Delta branches debouching directly into the Mediterranean – the Dumyā? (Damietta) and Rashīd (Rosetta). Navigational conditions at these branches’ mouths were treacherous because of a combination of currents, winds, wave-fields and shifting sandbanks. These conditions were a danger to shipping, and so had a formative effect on the navigational landscape of the Delta. Despite its remoteness from the Nile, Alexandria remained Egypt's chief Mediterranean port, but only because river connections were maintained that avoided the Rashīd mouth. In contrast, the port of Rashīd was relatively insignificant. Similar conditions at the Dumyā? mouth prompted navigators to adopt routes via Lake Tinnīs, modern Lake Manzala, which linked to the sea through its calmer sea mouths. This article brings together material from multiple disciplines to offer a new understanding of the navigational context of Egypt's medieval Mediterranean ports. 相似文献
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Tasha Vorderstrasse 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2010,22(2):151-171
This article examines the significance of textiles called “cloth of Antioch”, which are named in late seventh/thirteenth and early eighth/fourteenth century church inventories from England. The practice of naming a type of cloth for a geographic place-name was common in this period, but did not necessarily mean that a textile with a particular name had been produced there. Antioch was a known centre of textile production, although references are scant. The English church inventories that mention Antioch cloth are from St. Paul's Cathedral, London; Canterbury Cathedral; and Exeter Cathedral. Such church inventories are a source of important information about textiles that would have been consumed in medieval England. One can associate the Antioch textiles with important individuals at court. The English royal family emphasised their associations with the city of Antioch in this period, which may explain why important members of the court donated Antioch textiles. The textiles are also mentioned in Scottish and the Vatican treasury inventories, however, which indicates that the cloth was known elsewhere, even if it did not have the same resonance in other places 相似文献
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Fabrizio Benente 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2018,30(2):148-165
This article examines a set of lustreware pottery discovered in the fill of the tower belonging to the Genoese family, the Embriaci. The finds are datable to the mid-thirteenth century, characterised by decorative patterns which are atypical in lustreware production in al-Andalus, though some comparisons can be drawn with the decorative patterns of the “vasos de la Alhambra” and the pottery known as “nazarí primitive”. The context of the discovery in Genoa will briefly be outlined, including the story of the family settlement (Part 1), the stratigraphic sequence (Part 2), and the stylistic connections to other pottery characterising it (Part 3). The formal and decorative elements characterising the lustreware pottery found in the Embriaci Tower will then be examined and compared (Part 4) with finds from the Upper Tyrrhenian region (Provence, Savona, Pisa). Part 5 will suggest that the finds are a specific type of decorated lustreware produced in the thirteenth century in al-Andalus (Murcia, Málaga and Almería). The concluding part (Part 6) will investigate the meaning of the presence of the set of imported ceramics in the “curia” of the Embriaci family in Genoa.
This type of pottery has only been discovered hitherto in excavation finds and architectural contexts (the so called “bacini”) in Italy and France. The identification of decorative and formal elements characterising this “group” of pottery will allow the identification of examples of this production outside of Italy and France. The publication of the findings will provide new data to develop an archaeological overview of commercial contacts between al-Andalus and the Tyrrhenian area (Provence, Liguria, Tuscany) during the thirteenth century. 相似文献