共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Arrows of time in early childhood 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Friedman WJ 《Child development》2003,74(1):155-167
Three studies with 149 children were conducted to provide information about development of the perception of temporally unidirectional transformations, such as dropping blocks or breaking a cookie. Children 3.5 through 6.5 years of age compared forward and backward videotapes of events or made individual judgments of what would happen if the actions were attempted. Even children 3.5 to 4.5 years of age recognized the anomaly of backward versions of gravity and separation events. In addition, relatively few children predicted impossible transformations in the prediction task. The results show that young children, like adults, are sensitive to the unidirectional nature of varied transformations. 相似文献
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Children's Causal Explanations of Animate and Inanimate Motion 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
Adults frequently refer to nonobvious, internal, or immanent causal mechanisms when explaining certain kinds of movement— such as the movement of animals (e.g., a rabbit hops because of its brain and muscles) and the self-sustained movement of artifacts (e.g., a toy moves on its own because of batteries or gears). This series of studies examined whether and when preschool children are willing to attribute internal and immanent causes to motion. In 3 studies, preschool children and adults viewed animals and artifacts (wind-up toys and transparent objects) either moving independently or being transported by a person. Children explained animal and artifact events differently, even with the kind of movement controlled: They were more likely to attribute immanent cause to animals than to artifacts and more likely to attribute human cause to artifacts than animals. Internal causes were less frequently endorsed overall; however, when asked to describe the insides of artifacts, children who saw them moving alone more often described internal mechanisms (e.g., batteries, electricity) than children who did not see them moving alone. Altogether, the studies suggest that children as young as 3 or 4 years of age honor two principles: For animals more than for artifacts, movement is caused by an immanent source, and across domains, movements without an observable agent have an internal or immanent source. 相似文献
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Adults’ attraction to rare objects has been variously attributed to fundamental biases related to resource availability, self-related needs, or beliefs about social and market forces. The current three studies investigated the scarcity bias in 11- and 14-month-old infants, and 3- to 6-year-old children (N = 129). With slight methodological modifications, participants had to choose between one of 10 same-kind-items (abundant resource), or the only one of a different kind (scarce resource). It was found that a robust preference for the scarce resource appeared only at age 5 years. Thus, although a scarcity bias is not present in infancy, it emerges prior to comprehension of market forces. Possible accounts of this developmental finding are discussed. 相似文献
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Marie‐Geneviève Séré 《International Journal of Science Education》2013,35(3):299-309
Summaries English When children interpret experiments concerning the physical properties of gases, they generally use frameworks from the field of mechanics. In reality, these experiments give them the opportunity of expressing relationships between movement, equilibrium and mechanical dimensions, such as forces. In their experimental interpretations, children aged 11 to 13 years emphasize in most cases those stages of an experiment which involve movement: movement as a cause of pressure change of a gas, and movement as the effect of this pressure change. This leads them to express frameworks which have been similarly observed by Piaget and other authors. For example, movement of air in one direction is thought to cause or to be caused by a specific force in one direction; similarly, the state of equilibrium and thus the immobility at the end of the experiment, are characterized by an absence of forces. The interpretations of several experiments relating to air pressure are analysed using the commentaries of children aged 11 to 13 in class and interviews carried out with children of the same age. 相似文献
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Kimiko Ryokai Faraz Farzin Eric Kaltman Greg Niemeyer 《Educational technology research and development : ETR & D》2013,61(2):153-170
Visual tracking of multiple objects in a complex scene is a critical survival skill. When we attempt to safely cross a busy street, follow a ball’s position during a sporting event, or monitor children in a busy playground, we rely on our brain’s capacity to selectively attend to and track the position of specific objects in a dynamic scene. This ability to visually track simultaneously moving objects in a continuously changing and multisensory environment is a critical component of nearly all forms of visual-motor coordination. While methods for assessing Multiple Object Tracking (MOT) in adults are well established, due to challenges associated with designing a MOT task suitable for young children, we have little understanding of MOT abilities under the age of 5 years. To better understand how and when young children learn to track multiple objects, we designed, implemented and evaluated TrackFX, the first game-based MOT task running on a touch tablet designed for children as young as 30 months old. We present findings from an empirical study of 31 children between the age of 30 and 58 months and implications for game-based learning. 相似文献
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Liz Jones Maggie MacLure Rachel Holmes Christina MacRae 《Early Years: An International Journal of Research and Development》2012,32(1):49-60
This paper considers young children’s (aged 3–5 years) relations with objects, and in particular objects that are brought from home to school. We begin by considering the place of objects within early years classrooms and their relationship to children’s education before considering why some objects are often separated from their owners on entry to the classroom. We suggest that the ‘arrest’ of objects is as a consequence of them being understood as ‘infecting’ specific perceptions or constructs of young children. We further suggest that a focus on the dichotomy between affection/infection for and of certain objects may offer new possibilities for seeing and engaging with children, thus expanding the narrow imaginaries of children that are coded in developmental psychology, UK early years education policy and classroom practice. 相似文献
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Roger Trend 《International Journal of Science Education》2013,35(8):973-988
This research focused on the understanding of geological time among UK children aged 10 and 11 years. The empirical study, in two stages, involved a total of 189 children in activities designed to reveal knowledge and understanding of geological time. The preliminary study with 12 children was designed to identify the most powerful and appropriate techniques to use in the Main Study. It also resulted in some findings concerned with the place of deep time in children's conceptualization of Earth events. The Main Study, with 177 children, involved the sequencing of geological events in three separate but almost identical tasks. Results indicate that children of this age have a general awareness of major events such as the Ice Age and moving continents, but that a clear chronology is almost entirely lacking. Children conceive of events as falling into two distinct time zones: the ‘extremely ancient’ and the ‘less ancient’. 相似文献
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Dimensional adjectives are inherently relative in meaning, and so provide a test of children's ability to apply nonegocentric standards. The present research investigates children's ability to apply one kind of relative standard assessing the size of an object with regard to its intended use (a functional interpretation). In 3 experiments, children 3-5 years of age were asked to judge objects as "big" or "little" according to their function (e.g., a hat for a doll; a key for a door). Contrary to previous claims, the ability to use nonegocentric functional standards was present by age 3. However, 3-year-olds performed above chance only when their attention was directed to the relevant function, either by means of action (when actually shown how the objects fit together) or by means of language. In contrast, 4-year-olds performed well without additional action-based or linguistic cues. It is suggested that children have an implicit ordering in their interpretations of big and little, such that functional judgments are lower in priority than 2 other standards: normative (the size of an object is compared to a stored mental standard, e.g., a chihuahua is small for a dog) and perceptual (the size of an object is compared to another physically present object of the same type, e.g., a chihuahua 6 inches tall is big compared to a chihuahua 4 inches tall). Even 3-year-olds can make nonegocentric functional judgments of relative size, but the basis of the judgment must be unambiguous. 相似文献
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Effects of Day-Care on Cognitive and Socioemotional Competence of Thirteen-Year-Old Swedish Schoolchildren 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Bengt-Erik Andersson 《Child development》1992,63(1):20-36
This is a follow-up study of an earlier one in which positive effects of early day-care experience were found on children's cognitive and socioemotional competence at age 8. 128 children were followed from their first year of life. At 8 and 13 years of age, 92% and 89% of the children, respectively, remained in the study. Most children could be classified according to age at first entry into day-care. Cognitive and socioemotional competence was rated by the children's classroom teachers. Hierarchical regression and path analyses were used in the statistical treatment of the data. It was possible to trace independent positive effects of age of entry into day-care as far as age 13. Children entering center care or family day-care before age 1 generally performed better in school when 8 and 13 years old and received more positive ratings from their teachers on several socioemotional variables. The path analyses indicated the following causal model: family characteristics, such as type of family, family's socioemotional status, and mother's educational level, influence the time of first entry into day-care. This variable, in turn, has consequences for children's competence at 8 and/or 13 years of age even after controlling for home background, child gender, and intelligence, which, of course, have their own effects. The effect of socioeconomic status was often mediated through age of entry into day-care. 相似文献
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Child discipline is a central component of parent-child interactions. Evidence suggests corporal discipline impairs children’s physical, cognitive, and socioemotional development and compromises their future chances, especially since it is more frequently used against at-risk children. Using geocoded data for 1209 children under the age of five and their mothers, this study analyses the relation between the occurrence of crimes in close proximity to households in four major urban municipalities of Colombia and a particularly violent corporal discipline practice: hitting children with objects. Results indicate that exposure to violent crimes, such as homicides and personal injuries, predicts a higher probability of hitting children with objects, even after controlling for a set of individual, family, and neighborhood characteristics. Sensitivity analyses suggest violent crimes are not related to other discipline methods, and less threatening crimes, such as robbery and drug trafficking, are not associated with hitting children with objects. These findings suggest households’ walls are permeable, and outside threats may interfere with families’ dynamics and well-being. Future directions and implications are discussed. 相似文献
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The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of limited oral and physical teacher intervention on object manipulation by preschool and early elementary children. The population consisting of 70 children, three, four, five, and six years old from two preschools and two kindergarten classes were randomly assigned to control and experimental groups. Children were observed as they manipulated magnets in classroom settings. Experimental students had the objects placed in their hands and were orally invited to explore. Results showed that there were significant differences between the groups in total time spent with the objects, number of activities performed, and cognitive level of operation. No significant differences were found in the number of contacts or in the interactive effects of treatment and testing day. The findings suggest that teacher roles may have an effect on student exploration and quality of interaction with unfamiliar objects. 相似文献
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Kostas Kampourakis Vasiliki Pavlidi Maria Papadopoulou Eirini Palaiokrassa 《Research in Science Education》2012,42(4):651-671
Research has shown that children usually provide teleological explanations for the features of organisms from a very early age (3?C4?years old). However, it is not clear if teleology is applied selectively for organisms, or if it is generally applied to other objects as well (artifacts and non-living natural objects). The present study examined whether 7?C8?year old students provided teleological explanations for particular organisms, artifacts and natural objects. We investigated whether children's familiarity with these objects influenced the types of explanations they gave. Finally, we also investigated correlations between 'teleology' and 'usefulness' in children's explanations. The results indicate that 7?C8?year olds are able to distinguish between living and non-living entities, as well as that they provide teleological explanations mostly for organisms and artifacts. This may have important implications for biological education, since teleological explanations in classrooms are likely to pose important conceptual obstacles to the development of a scientific understanding of evolution. 相似文献
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Three experiments considered the development of perceptual causality in children from 3 to 9 years of age (N = 176 in total). Adults tend to see cause and effect even in schematic, two-dimensional motion events: Thus, if square A moves toward B, which moves upon contact, they report that A launches B--physical causality. If B moves before contact, adults report that B tries to escape from A--social or psychological causality. A brief pause between movements eliminates such impressions. Even infants in the first year of life are sensitive to causal structure in both contact and no-contact events, but previous research with talking-age children found poor verbal reports. The present experiments used a picture-based forced-choice task to reduce linguistic demands. Observers saw eight different animations involving squares A and B. Events varied in whether or not these agents made contact; whether or not there was a delay at the closest point; and whether they moved rigidly or with a rhythmic, nonrigid "caterpillar" motion. Participants of all ages assigned events with contact to the physical domain and events without contact to the psychological domain. In addition, participants of all ages chose causality more often for events without delay than with delay, but these events became more distinct over the preschool range. The manipulation of agent motion had only minor and inconsistent effects across studies, even though children of all ages considered only the nonrigid motion to be animal-like. These results agree with the view that perceptual causality is available early in development. 相似文献
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Phillip T. Slee 《教育心理学》1993,13(1):3-10
A sample of 1,114 urban children ranging in age from 5‐13 years was assessed for the occurrence of 25 stressful life events across the life span. Children reported an average of six events during their lifetimes. Developmental trends and gender differences were noted in terms of certain stressful life events (SLEs). The children were also rated by their teachers on a number of measures of adjustment to school. Children who had experienced three to eight serious SLEs were rated as less well adjusted on a variety of behavioural measures than those children who had experienced no such serious life events. 相似文献
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Two-year-olds will name artifacts by their functions 总被引：6，自引：0，他引：6
Do young children take functional information into account in naming artifacts? In three studies of lexical categorization, 112 children 2 years of age learned new names for novel artifacts with novel functions and then extended the names to new objects. The objects were designed to have functions that were causally related in simple and compelling ways to perceptible aspects of their physical structure. Despite only minimal opportunity to familiarize themselves with the objects, children generalized the names in accordance with the objects' functions. This result obtained even when children had to discover the functions of the named objects on their own (Experiment 2) and when all the test objects had some discernible function (Experiment 3). Two-year-olds name by function when they can make sense of the relation between the appearances and the functions of artifacts. 相似文献
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Young children often fail to generalize a novel verb based on sameness of action since they have difficulty focusing on the relational similarity across events while at the same time ignoring the objects that are involved. Study 1, with Japanese-speaking 3- and 4-year-olds (N = 28 in each group), found that similarity of objects involved in action events plays a scaffolding role in children's extraction of relational similarity across events when they extend a verb. Study 2, with 4-year-olds (N = 47), further showed that repeated experience of action-based verb extension supported by object similarity leads children to be better able to extend a novel verb based on sameness of action, even without support from object similarity. 相似文献
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BACKGROUND: Immediate medical assessment has been recommended for children after sexual abuse to identify physical injuries, secure forensic evidence, and provide for the safety of the child. However, it is unclear whether young children seen urgently within 72 hours of reported sexual contact would have higher frequencies of interview or examination findings as compared to those seen non-urgently or whether forensic findings would be affected by child characteristics, type of reported contact, or later events. DESIGN/SETTING: We evaluated 190 consecutive cases of children under 13 years of age urgently referred during a 5-year period in 1998-2003 to a community child advocacy center and compared them to those non-urgently referred with regard to their physical examination findings, any sexually transmitted infections or forensic evidence, gender, pubertal development, type of contact, reported ejaculation, later bathing or changing clothes, time to examination, and gender, age and relationship of alleged perpetrator. RESULTS: Children seen urgently were younger and had less frequent CPS involvement, more disclosures, and more positive physical examinations, and had more contact with older perpetrators than those seen non-urgently. Overall, most children were female and had normal or non-specific physical examinations. Certain case characteristics were predictive of evidence isolation in the 9% who had positive forensic evidence identified. Semen or sperm was identified from body swabs only from non-bathed, female children older than 10 years of age or on clothing or objects. CONCLUSIONS: Female children over 10 years old who report ejaculation or genital contact without bathing have the highest likelihood of positive examinations or forensic evidence. While there are other potential benefits of early examination, physicians seeking to identify forensic evidence should consider the needs of the child and other factors when determining the timing of medical assessment after sexual abuse. 相似文献