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在中国近代史上,王韬可以说是一个里程碑式的人物,在国难当头、民族危亡的时代,是他敏锐地意识到了中国要实行变法自强,救大厦于将倾。为实现其政治理想,王韬充分地认识到西方报刊在社会生活当中的积极作用,首创《循环日报》鼓吹变法,倡言政治、经济等,并论述现代报刊的作用。就新闻学领域来看,前人更多的是从新闻学的角度来研究王韬的,本文笔者试图从舆论学的角度对王韬新闻思想作新的解读。 相似文献
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当前,互联网蓬勃发展,但其缺陷不会被光环掩盖.因此新千年前后,我国已出台不少法规、规章规制互联网,但仍不够严密.历史和现实昭示:中国网络法需在现行法的基础上继续调整,强化良性规制是必然趋势.
加强网络良性规制符合新闻传播历史规律
(一)加强良性规制有助于完善对新闻业的干预
近现代以来,多数发达国家报刊史都经历过较明显的两个阶段:政党报刊时期与商业报刊时期.大致相似的发展脉络反映出各国不断完善对新闻传播业规制的历程. 相似文献
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19世纪70年代,在那内忧外患的非常岁月,以王韬为代表的早期中国报人勇敢地面对现实,摒弃了“言不论政”的陈规,在报刊上大胆地评说时局,议论朝政,针砭时弊,鼓吹变革,表现出强烈的社会责任感和爱国精神。特别是王韬主编的《循环日报》,以其质高量大的政论,在中国报坛上竖起了一面旗帜,为已经存在和即将问世的近代报刊树立了良好的榜样。从某种意义上说,维新运动中的改良派报刊政论,是对王韬开创的报刊政论传统的继承和发扬。《时务报》的主要创始人汪康年,就曾立志要把该报办成象《循环日报》一样出色的报纸,“欲与天南逐叟争短长。”这说明王韬对维新派报人影响之大。无论从思想内容还是表现形式上看,王韬的报刊政论都是维新派政论家们的启蒙范文。他的报刊政论实践,有力地推动了中国近代报刊评论的发展。 相似文献
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印刷商本杰明·富兰克林的平步青云,既是个人奋斗的结果,也有权贵荫庇的成分.他在个人利益和社会利益之间保持微妙的平衡并实现了双赢,但是这种经验具有不可复制性.通过对<宾夕法尼亚公报>的细致分析,可以领会富兰克林新闻实践中功利而务实的风格.在20世纪,无论是自由主义还是共和主义,都有美化和剪裁富兰克林新闻思想的倾向.本文试图还原富兰克林的历史复杂性,重新思考作为美国新闻业基因的"真理的价格"理念. 相似文献
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王韬是我国近代报刊的开拓者,1874年1月5日他创办了我国近代最早的报刊之一——循环日报;他是我国近代报刊思想的奠基人,在他启蒙下,到二十世纪初,逐渐形成了我国近代办报思想;他是我国第一个报刊政论家,开创了报刊政论文体,经梁启超等人的继承和发扬,形成了我国近代报刊以政论为主体的显著特点。王韬在我国新闻史上是一位颇著影响的人物。数十年来,许多学者对他的报刊活动进行过研究。本文就王韬报刊活动中的几个问题进行考证,现就教于新闻界的学者们。 相似文献
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王韬是19世纪中国著名的思想学家,我国历史上第一位报刊政论家,他被誉为中国新闻记者之父,亦被称为“具在专门办报思想第一人”.笔者认为,王韬先生之所以能得如此高度评价,与他的新闻思想密不可分:重视报纸信息传播、“立言”的新闻功能观;强调报纸在社会变革中作用的新闻政论观;提倡品行诚正,博古通今的新闻人才观等.正是得益于这在当时极具震撼力的大胆思想,使后世得到启蒙,而其报刊实践及系统的报刊理论又奠定了我国近代报刊的基础,从而展示了王韬对中国新闻学的突出贡献. 相似文献
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今日的印度，不仅拥有居亚洲第位、世界第４位、总数约为２２６４８种之多的报刊，而且拥有５大通讯社，还拥有以全印广播电台和全印电视台为主体、遍布全国的广播、电视网络。印度新闻业之发达，令世人瞩目。印度是最大的发展中国家之一。她的发达的新闻业，已经并且正在有力地促进着这个发展中的大国的开放与进步，促进着这个发展中的大国的政治民主化进程。因此，了解一下今日印度的颇具特色新闻业状况，有助于加深了解今日印度社会的发展。一、报刊：印度报刊诞生的标志是１７８０年英文版《孟加拉周刊》在加尔各答的出版。而历史最为悠… 相似文献
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Victor Pickard 《The Communication Review》2013,16(2):73-95
Although consensus has been reached that journalism is in crisis, few agree on the nature of its decline or the means of resolving it. After providing an overview of this ongoing debate, the author contextualizes the journalism crisis within several historical, political, intellectual, and structural processes that help highlight what is at stake and what can be done to support the journalism required for a democratic society in the United States. He concludes with an emphasis on normative considerations regarding the future of journalism and provides several policy proposals that aim to provide the resources necessary for a robust and independent press. These policies, he suggests, will help facilitate the transition from a failing commercial media system to a public-service model of the press. 相似文献
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Mattias Ekman 《Journalism Practice》2015,9(1):78-91
The emergence of social media raises new questions concerning the relationship between journalists and politicians and between news media and politics. The increasingly complex media milieu, in which the boundaries between media producers and audiences become partly dissolved, calls for new theoretical approaches in the study of journalism. This article reassesses central theoretical arguments about the relationship between journalism, sources, politics and democracy. Drawing on a pilot study of the printed press, it explores the increased social media use among politicians in Sweden and its implications for political journalism. The article suggests that power relations between journalism and politics can be fruitfully explored from the perspective of mediatized interdependency, a perspective that acknowledges that journalists and politicians have become both actors and sources through mutual interaction in online spaces. Furthermore, it argues that social media use has expanded journalism's interest in the private life of politicians, thereby contributing to a de-politicization of politics. 相似文献
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Maria Dicenzo 《Media History》2013,19(2):115-128
The late nineteenth century American mass circulation press developed a style of ‘new journalism’ that gave rise to celebrity journalism. It is widely accepted that this new approach to reporting replaced news values with entertainment as a consequence of the need to cater to the tastes of a mass readership and this is seen to explain the incredible innovations that occurred in the press in the US at the time (Ponce de Leon; Roggenkamp; Tebbel; Turner; Schudson Discovering the News). This article questions this version of American press history by arguing that those papers also had to appeal to the politics of poor immigrants and the working class and that the conventions associated with celebrity overlapped and often coincided with a ‘radical’ populist campaigning style of reporting that was as important (and at times, more important) to building and sustaining mass readerships. 相似文献
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Abigail C. Saguy 《The Communication Review》2013,16(2):109-141
This article documents and accounts for important differences in press coverage of sexual harassment in the United States and France. Compared to French press coverage, American reporting on sexual harassment has been much more extensive and more likely to focus on domestic sexual harassment scandals involving political individuals or institutions. This is attributed largely to the American press greater reliance on business, greater journalistic freedom, stronger traditions of investigative journalism, as well as more inclusive legal definitions of sexual harassment. While silent on French scandals, due to global political realities, the French press has reported extensively on American sexual harassment scandals and has been more dismissive of the problems of sexual harassment and (American) feminist activists when reporting on the United States. This article further analyzes how each press has framed the problem of sexual harassment and how such framing varies by story and over time. 相似文献
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Various studies report that cultural journalism increasingly focuses on service and entertainment instead of serious arts coverage. The press prioritizes popular culture over traditional high arts to a growing extent. However, this shift in journalistic attention does not necessarily signify a straightforward decline in aesthetic standards, as popular cultural forms like film have developed along the lines of high art principles in the past decades. This article charts trends in American, Dutch, French, and German film journalism between 1955 and 2005. It demonstrates that coverage is typified by a serious aesthetic approach from the 1970s onwards. The principles of art are seen to steer journalists’ attention to an important degree: the review remains the predominant journalistic genre, and newspapers devote more attention to films by prestigious directors than strictly commercial moviemakers. As such, film’s prominence in the press does not seem to indicate a decline in serious cultural journalism but rather a revaluation of a popular cultural form. 相似文献
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This study sought to determine if Singapore's press model has evolved beyond the development model to take on characteristics of other press models. It examined balance and framing in election coverage in the Straits Times, Singapore's dominant English newspaper, over 16 days before the 2006 Singapore General Election. As expected under the development model, and contrary to expectations under the social responsibility model, we found coverage of the competing parties lacked balance, as indicated by more coverage with a more favorable tone for the ruling People's Action Party. In framing, we found game frames predominated over issue frames, as predicted by media intrusion theory, in which commercial media favor competitive aspects of campaigns as a result of following commercial journalistic values. This finding contradicts the expectation that development journalism would likely have more issue frames, since it emphasizes issues and policies, and suggests that some commercial journalistic imperatives outweigh development model imperatives in the Singapore press. 相似文献
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《Journalism Practice》2013,7(2):279-294
This article outlines the rise of the radical agrarian Nonpartisan League (NPL) press in North Dakota, focusing on NPL editor Gerald P. Nye, who took his Prairie-based populist platform and constituents' post-World War I anti-British sentiments to Washington, DC. There he effectively opposed active US participation in European and Asian wars as a US senator from 1925 to 1941. The article explores the intersection of journalism and politics through the development of Nye's isolationist ideology as a rural newspaper editor and his rise as a powerful political ideologue and advocate in the Senate. 相似文献
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从近代社会变革来看,报刊宣传在其中扮演着重要角色,作为中国共产党核心人物之一的毛泽东早就认识到这一点。他积极投身报刊实践活动,并形成了有中国特色的报刊编辑思想模式。文章从毛泽东青年时代的编辑实践入手,发掘青年毛泽东编辑思想的组成因子,建构一个由政治核心层、内部直接影响作用链、外部间接服务作用链组成的青年毛泽东报刊编辑思想模式,并探究其对我国现代报刊活动的指导意义与价值。 相似文献
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Raymond James Pingree Dominique Brossard Douglas M. McLeod 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(5):615-638
A frequent critique of contemporary journalism is that journalists rarely adjudicate factual disputes when covering politics; however, very little research has been done on the effects of such passive journalism on audiences. This study tests effects of active adjudication versus “he said/she said” journalism on a variety of outcomes, finding that adjudication can correct factual beliefs, increase perceived news quality, satisfy perceived informational needs, and increase the likelihood of future news use. However, for readers who were less interested in the issues under dispute, adjudication also reduced epistemic political efficacy, which is confidence in one's ability to find the truth in politics. 相似文献
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This paper reports the results of a content analysis of five newspapers selected from the Chinese daily press. The research was conducted as part of an international project designed to explore the relationship between journalistic self-conceptions and journalistic practice. This paper reports only upon journalistic practice, in particular the extent to which different models of journalism are present. The results of the analysis demonstrate, firstly, that while the concept of a uniform ‘national media system’ is of some utility in comparative studies, there are, even in the highly structured Chinese case, very significant differences within a single country. Secondly, it demonstrates that the common division of the Chinese press into a politically oriented party press and a market-oriented commercial press is inadequate to explain the identifiable differences between titles in the sample. A four grouping solution fits the data much better and demonstrates that there are newspapers that combine strong evidence of indicators of the party press with strong evidence of indicators of the commercial press. As a consequence, the claim that marketization will necessarily lead to conflicts with the party appears to be mistaken. 相似文献