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1.
Lihong Zhang 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(3):248-267
This study investigates the framing effects of gay-themed entertainment media in China. Specifically, the study explores the mechanisms underlying attribution framing and value framing, through two separate experiments. The results of the first experiment indicate that exposure to attribution frames had considerable influence on the participants' perceptions of the controllability of homosexuality and their emotional responses. In addition, fictional entertainment media's framing of the origin of homosexuality indirectly influenced the participants' opinion through anger. Those participants exposed to a program homosexuality as a type of ‘controllable’ sexuality were likely to express anger and thus were not likely to support gay rights. The results of the second experiment indicate that the core values reflected in a gay-themed program affected the participants' opinions by changing their perception of the importance of value-related beliefs. Those participants exposed to a frame reflecting family values were likely to consider beliefs about family values to be important, which facilitated their support for gay people's personal dignity and equal rights to jobs, housing, and freedom of expression, among others. 相似文献
2.
Pamela Hill Nettleton 《The Communication Review》2015,18(2):123-141
Discussions of the future of journalism center on new economic models, digital modes of distribution, and how to attract young audiences. But what of how future journalism might represent, describe, and critique issues of race, gender, class, and sexuality? And what of the race, gender, class, and sexuality of future journalists themselves? Issues of industry survival take center stage in debates about journalism’s future. Issues of integrity, wisdom, and increased levels of equity in coverage and employment have less success finding the spotlight. Concern over how to deliver news in the coming decades generally trumps debate about who might deliver it and the character of what might be delivered. The importance of political economy analyses of new journalism, coupled with keeping gender, race, and sexuality identities front and center, is emphasized. 相似文献
3.
David Buckingham 《The Communication Review》2013,16(1-2):51-60
This article explores some of the dilemmas and difficulties encountered by academic researchers (and specifically those who work on media audiences) in presenting their work in the public domain. It considers some examples of media coverage of debates about media audiences, raising questions about academic authority, research evidence and public knowledge. It points to the limitations of a view of such debates as “moral panics” and proposes a different approach based on social constructionist analyses of “social problems.” It concludes by considering some of the ambivalence and uncertainty that surrounds the increasingly common requirement for academics to become engaged with the public at large. 相似文献
4.
Bradley J. Bond 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(1):98-120
Media may serve as important sexual socialization agents for lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB) adolescents who often have limited interpersonal resources from which to garner sexual information. A content analysis was conducted on a sample of television programs, films, magazines, and music popular with LGB youth to quantify the sexual messages LGB youth encounter in the media. Results suggest that heterosexuality is overrepresented and LGB sexualities are underrepresented in media popular with LGB adolescents. When depicted, LGB sexual talk was often talk about stereotypes or insults/jokes related to sexuality and rarely about relationships or sex. LGB sexual behaviors were nearly nonexistent. LGB sexual talk seems to be increasing in entertainment television, but LGB sexual behaviors have remained relatively rare over time. Findings are discussed in terms of the possible effects of exposure on LGB youth relying on media for information about sex and sexuality during sexual socialization. 相似文献
5.
Sungtae Ha 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(3):315-342
Traditionally, two competing claims have arisen that attempt to explain the role of political sophistication in media effectiveness. I reassess the positive versus negative impacts of political sophistication on media priming effects by considering a curvilinear approach. I combine public opinion data (National Election Studies) on candidate selection criteria in 1992 and 2000 presidential elections with content analyses of campaign news coverage to see which segment of voters at different sophistication levels is most susceptible to media agendas. Quadratic regression analyses reveal that an inverted U-shaped relationship exists between voters' susceptibility to campaign news and their level of political sophistication. Such a curvilinear relationship means that the moderately sophisticated are more likely to accept news agendas than the least or most sophisticated. The findings illuminate the long-standing debate about the inconsistent linear relationships between the two variables, providing a more cogent explanation underlying media priming effects. 相似文献
6.
Viewing a hostile media bias against one’s group (e.g., political party) is a perceptual effect of media use. When it comes to the portrayal of political parties in the United States, prior research suggests that both Democrats and Republicans see mainstream media coverage as favoring the other side, regardless of the orientation of the political news coverage. Although prior research has not identified all factors that make this perceptual bias more likely, or at explaining how or why this perceptual effect occurs, we do know that it is related to one’s group identity. In this study, we examined salient predictors of hostile media bias during the 2012 presidential campaign. Individual (i.e., political cynicism) and group identity related (i.e., group status, intergroup bias, political ideology) differences of media users predicted such perceptions. But, the medium selected for political information about the campaign also mattered. The use of two media in particular—TV and social networking sites—appear to have blunted hostile media bias perceptions, whereas the use of two other media—radio and video sharing sites—appear to have accentuated perceptions that the media were biased against one’s party 相似文献
7.
The subject of homosexuality remains taboo in contemporary China, given that the public maintains a considerably negative attitude toward the subject. Recent Pew Research indicates that, on average, 21% of Chinese respondents believe that homosexuality should be accepted. However, parallel surveys of Internet users paint a different picture, as online surveys found a more liberal atmosphere toward homosexuality and same-sex marriage. The online and offline discrepancy in attitudes toward homosexuality begs the question of whether the Internet carries a stigma-reducing function in terms of views on sexual minority groups. Guided by the contact hypothesis and parasocial contact theory, the current study investigates the de-stigmatizing effect of the social media on homosexuality in China. A web-based survey with 980 social media users with a heterosexual orientation confirmed the positive role of interpersonal-mediated contact with lesbian and gay celebrities via social media venues in stigma reduction; but findings did not lend support to the parasocial-mediated contact hypothesis. 相似文献
8.
Dyann Diercks 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(2):192-212
This study applies the knowledge gap and the belief gap hypotheses to explore knowledge about same-sex marriage rights in the United States. Whereas the knowledge gap predicts that individuals of higher socioeconomic status will be better informed on political issues, the belief gap suggests that that political ideology is a stronger predictor of knowledge and beliefs than education or income levels. Results from this study indicated that higher income levels were a significant predictor of more knowledge about same-sex marriage policy but education was not related to knowledge. As for the belief gap, political party affiliation was not a stronger predictor of knowledge than education level. However, political party affiliation and partisan media (both conservative and liberal) indirectly impacted knowledge through attitudes toward homosexuality, such that Democratic partisanship and liberal media use indirectly led to more knowledge about same-sex marriage rights and conservative media indirectly led to less knowledge about same-sex marriage rights. 相似文献
9.
《Journal of Media Economics》2013,26(2):149-163
Recent debates between scholars representing political economy and cultural studies are reminiscent of exchanges between administrative and critical researchers in the 1970s and 1980s that produced no clearly opposing valuations undergirding their respective paradigms. Little real dialogue seems likely from the current debates between cultural studies and political economy, particularly as represented in the "colloquy" between them published in Critical Studies in Mass Communication. A close reading of that colloquy reveals stereotypes at work, which contrasts sharply with scholarship applying more integrative approaches, particularly the work applying critical research and theorizing on media artifacts, media institutions, and media audiences. 相似文献
10.
Matthew Linfoot 《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2018,25(2):195-208
This article analyses two long-running gay and lesbian radio programs from the BBC from the 1990s to highlight different approaches to notions of identity and definition, based on items that focused on interactions with physical space, both public and private. The weekly program Gay and Lesbian London broadcast in London on BBC GLR94.9 contained items that constructed a different relationship between gay identity and locations, compared to Gaytalk on BBC GMR, and its relationship with Manchester. By exploring the significance of gay and lesbian radio in relation to ideas around community, and its relationship with the editorial narrative, the paper argues there is fluidity between community and identity. The subsequent analysis of the radio output in the two programs focuses on the intersection between spatial relationships and sexuality. Content from the Manchester program foregrounded the prominence of the city’s commercial area, the Gay Village, in queer lives, while in London, domesticity and dispersed community apart from the gay scene dominated the narrative. The way these two programs mediated the relationship between communities of listeners and their locations throws light on gay and lesbian experiences during an important period of social and political change. 相似文献
11.
Keith Joseph Zukas 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(3):427-449
The dominance of political communication over an issue like wind energy has the power to overwhelm attempts to frame wind farming as a scientific or environmental issue in the mediated public sphere. Using regulation as the primary newsmaker, politicians instead of scientists or environmental organizations become journalists’ sources in framing the issue. Wind energy is a special issue that is framed in unique ways due to environmental, political, and industry ties. Contest framing ensues between institutional stakeholders to win favorable media coverage. Through a sociological lens, this analysis examines how contemporary political communications continue to influence the media through professional routines and relationships even in a scientifically grounded industry during a surge of public environmentalism. Comparisons of political, energy industry, and environmental advocacy communications show that political and energy industry frames dominate newspaper coverage of energy issues even when environmental and scientific issues are inherent to the story. 相似文献
12.
国外对于传媒与政治信任的关系有不少重要的研究,其研究的焦点集中在传媒是否对公众的政治信任有负面影响上,不少学者持"媒体抑郁论"的观点。但这种观点不断被检验,研究者发现不同传媒变量对不同层次政治信任的影响各不相同。国内在传媒与政治信任方面的研究比较缺乏。该领域的研究可以考虑综合运用质化、量化的研究方法、关注新媒体与政治信任之关系,以及探讨中国传媒与政治信任的关系。 相似文献
13.
New media technologies are often met with political and public ambivalence, as they are perceived to threaten established activities, values and institutions, as well as bring progress and improve political, cultural and social life. Taking the Norwegian history of television as an empirical case study, this article relates to an international research agenda focusing on the cultural political debates in the early phases of broadcast media. The article is structured according to five key conjunctures where significant new media and technologies were introduced with corresponding political debates: the introduction of television (1940s–1950s), of colour television (1960s–1970s), of satellite, cable and commercial television (1980s), of digital distribution (1990s–2000s) and the expansion of television to new platforms (2000s). The article addresses the key arguments and dividing lines in these political debates, as well as the change in the perception of television when the medium is no longer new, but has become an integrated part of people's everyday life. 相似文献
14.
在五四新文化运动前后频繁的学术、思想论争中,一些知识分子开始产生了关于论争规范的意识;这也影响到他们所参加参与的报刊编辑业务。这些思考和实践,是我们今天重建论争规范的宝贵思想资源。 相似文献
15.
Richard J. Cox 《International Information and Library Review》2013,45(3):195-231
AbstractThere has been little systematic research about the image of archivists and archives. This study considers how this topic has been handled in an eight month span of The New York Times from late 1992 to mid 1993. While the news media’s coverage is present, it is clear that archives are treated as curiosities or when they relate to political disputes, are associated with prominent figures, or have interesting or different views to offer on important topics. 相似文献
16.
Rafi Mann 《Media History》2013,19(2):169-181
The article discusses the political and public debates in Israel over the appropriateness of a military radio station in a democratic state. The Israeli station was established in 1950 to assist the defense forces in absorbing and educating new Jewish immigrants, but later developed to become one of Israel's major media outlets. Previously unstudied documents reveal that the initiative to launch the station was met with criticism from its early stages; concerns about letting the army run a radio station without public oversight have been raised repeatedly ever since. This research project illustrates the benefits of media historiography as an effective prism for studying wider aspects of societies in which various media organizations operate. It adds, as well, to the historiography of military radio stations around the world. 相似文献
17.
This paper examines whether or not media coverage is biased by the political orientation of the journalists’ country, specifically illustrated by the 2011 bid for statehood by the Palestinian Authority in the United Nations. This bid represents a symbolic step toward international recognition of a Palestinian state, an important event in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. A quantitative analysis was conducted on 1577 news reports from American, European, and Middle Eastern outlets to determine the differences in media coverage of the Palestinian bid for statehood among the channels. The findings suggest that Israeli channels broadcasted a relatively low number of items in which the Palestinian declaration itself was the main theme. The BBC broadcasted a relatively high rate of such items, and offered balanced coverage of both Israeli and Palestinian positions, while coverage by American FOX News channel reflected a pro-Israel bias. The findings also suggest that media outlets may be biased toward specific leaders. This work builds on a growing body of research on media framing of political conflicts and the effect of the political context of a country on its media outlets’ coverage. 相似文献
18.
Aimei Yang 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(2):201-224
Bribery for news coverage has a negative impact on the credibility of media; it also restricts the free flow of information and violates the public's right to know. Further, research showed that there exists considerable inequality among countries in terms of the extent to which bribery for news coverage exists in media system. This study provides the first quantitative cross-national assessment of a set of predictors of the likelihood that bribery for news coverage exists in a country's media system and tested competing arguments derived from the literature. Data of this study are drawn from 66 nation states. The analysis shows that 5 groups of political, economic, cultural, educational, and technological variables have direct or indirect impacts on a country's media bribery level. The interactions between these variables are also analyzed. The study concludes by discussing how analyses of the nature of the international media bribery problem contribute to finding multiple approaches to solutions to this problem. 相似文献
19.
Throughout the literature much of the research on political campaign debates has focused on presidential debates and has largely ignored non‐presidential debates, particularly those featuring candidates competing in mixed‐gender races. The purpose of this study is to draw attention to these non‐presidential debates and particularly those in which gender may play a pivotal role. Through our analysis of four debates—two gubernatorial and two U.S. Senate debates—we advance the notion of debatestyle as a useful analytic scheme to examine the verbal content of female and male candidate debate dialogue. While few differences in female and male debatestyles ultimately emerged, results of the current study indicate that female and male political candidates, when engaged in debate, adopt a strategy of gendered adaptiveness that offers important contributions to both research on political debates as well as research on gender and politics. 相似文献
20.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(4):413-429
Because the neurosciences affect many areas of society and culture, they receive much public attention. Brain research and other focuses of neuroscience are regularly featured in the mass media, calling on neuroscientists to serve as sources. Based on 30 semi-structured interviews with neuroscientists in the United States and Germany, this article analyzes neuroscientists' motivations to interact with journalists, their perception of problems with the media reporting of neuroscience and media contacts, and the strategies they apply in order to gain some control over the coverage. Results show that most neuroscientists perceive benefits of media coverage and are willing to cooperate with journalists and conform to their expectations, but only to a certain degree. Neuroscientists perceive problems regarding the quality of coverage, risks related to public visibility and negative consequences of being distracted from research and scientific publication because of the time demands of media interactions. The scientists discussed several strategies to improve this perceived cost–benefit ratio. 相似文献