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1.
ABSTRACTOnline platforms enable free-form, spontaneous, unbridled political expression, blurring the public and private, the written and spoken, and the norms of formal and casual speech. Consequently, they pose new opportunities and challenges to civic interactions, necessitating a reconfiguration of the norms informing civic exchanges. In this paper, we introduce a relational account of civility attuned to emerging modes of civic interactions online, one which goes beyond prescribing specific modes of speech and conduct. We suggest three characteristics of civility in digital contexts: commitment to ongoing and just dialogue, seeking a diverse audience with a shared goal, and horizontal accountability. We then make the case for schools’ vital role in cultivating digital civility. Rather than introducing new curricular content, we argue for reframing existing school engagement with online communication to support the development of digital civility, in light of the shifting forms of participation that typify youth civic engagement today. 相似文献
2.
AbstractAlthough native family students often learn more than immigrant family students in school (e.g. civics), scholars have not systematically demonstrated the mechanisms through which native family students outperform immigrant family students. The Opportunity-Propensity framework guides this study. We examine the link between students’ immigrant status and civic knowledge, with antecedent factors (socioeconomic status [SES] and language spoken at home), opportunity factors (civic learning at school, civic participation at school, and political discussion), and propensity factors (perceived open classroom climate and student-teacher relationship). Two-level path analysis of the responses to the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) 2016 by 6254 eighth graders in Denmark showed that the civic knowledge of native family students exceeded that of immigrant family students, mediated by their own and schoolmates’ higher family SES. Meanwhile, immigrant family students had more political discussions, which are linked to better civic knowledge. 相似文献
3.
ABSTRACTAmplified by a global political climate of fear, oppression, and increased nationalism, this article examines how U.S. secondary students in a digital media elective course used multimodal composition, and video production in particular, as a nexus of ‘participatory politics.’ By partnering theories of multiliterate expression with youth civic engagement, it offers new understandings into how urban youth use digital media production to leverage school-based social action. Refracted through a mediated discourse analysis lens, and with a particular focus on sound as a modal resource for design, findings suggest that youth used media production and semiotic sense-making to simultaneously enliven community action as well as shield students from personal histories of trauma. By engaging in the process of digital media production, as this article suggests, students cultivated new core practices of civic interaction and local engagement by amplifying injustice. 相似文献
4.
公民教育的实质是政治社会化,社会转型期我国政治社会化的当务之急是进行公民意识的培育。实证研究结果表明:大学生公民意识总体较强,大学是实施公民教育的重要场所,大学公民教育对社会性别、家庭背景等的负面影响具有补偿效应。但我国大学公民教育还存在如下突出问题:大学生民主参与程度普遍较低;大学生政治效能感不高;政治理论课在大学公民教育中未发挥应有的关键作用。 相似文献
5.
Joe Y. F. Lau 《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2019,51(2):163-174
AbstractThe 2014 Umbrella Movement was one of the most significant social and political events in recent Hong Kong history. This paper offers some initial reflections on the connections between the movement and broader issues related to civic education, critical thinking, and theories of education. First, it is suggested that the movement closely resembles a form of civic education known as ‘action civics,’ offering an alternative pedagogy that might encourage more authentic civic participation. Second, the movement raises questions about how the teaching of critical thinking can be made more practically relevant to modern citizenship. Third, the deep political polarization associated with the movement indicates that civic education and critical thinking training need to pay attention to cognitive biases that affect political ideology. Finally, the Umbrella Movement reflects the failure of democratization in Hong Kong and coincides with increasing political pressures on the local education system. We discuss how political reality connects to issues about democratic education, critical pedagogy, and the idea of political neutrality in education. 相似文献
6.
Andrew Peterson 《Journal of moral education》2020,49(2):143-157
ABSTRACTRecent critics have suggested that character education (either in and of itself or certain instantiations of it) is overly individualised and, as a result, fails to engage adequately with the political. In this paper, I offer an account of character education which takes issue with such criticisms, and seeks to make clear connections between the moral and the political necessary for character formation and expression. Drawing on an Aristotelian understanding of the political, I argue that individuals are intimately connected with their social associations, which in contemporary plural, westernised democracies include the sort of engagement with the political advocated by critics of character education. Through a focus on civic virtue and deliberative engagement, it is argued that an Aristotelian-inspired account of character addresses the precise concerns, including recognising and challenging social injustices and deliberative engagement with difference, which critics suggest are lacking from character education. 相似文献
7.
Liz Jackson 《Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education》2019,40(6):761-772
ABSTRACTThis paper explores how notions of race, ethnicity, and blood are mobilized in educational texts in Hong Kong. It elaborates how civic identity is racialized as part of a nationalist education operating beneath the surface of expressed commitments to global citizenship, human rights, etc., in curriculum and textbooks. Many have commented on how cultural and ethnic ties are prioritized over political principles as bases for civic education in Asian societies. These cultural/ethnic bases should be critically examined, however, as they imply racial/ethnic exclusions. Examining how race, ethnicity, and blood are used to justify cultural framings of civic identity leads to questions about how education can be used to unify some, while alienating others from a sense of belonging and community. I argue that racialization of Hong Kong civic identity is not a happy solution for all members of society, and for more inclusive visions of identity in education. 相似文献
8.
AbstractThis special issue of Educational Philosophy and Theory considers the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement as an educational event, which has impacted attitudes and outlooks and conceptions of young people’s role, of education, and of society. This essay serves as an introduction to the more substantive pieces that follow. It describes two alternative perspectives on youth civic engagement in Hong Kong historically; and in so doing, it addresses some of the challenges related to free academic expression that hinder scholarly research and publishing on the area of Hong Kong-China relations looking into the future. It concludes with a brief glimpse of the contributions that follow. 相似文献
9.
ABSTRACTOnline environments are now central to political life, especially for young people. They are prominent contexts for activities that include: fundraising, political debate, sharing political perspectives, mobilizing individuals and groups to act, and applying pressure to governments, corporations, and nonprofits. Much of this online politically focused activity occurs within a broader media ecology that can be characterized as a participatory culture (Jenkins, H., R. Purushotma, K. Clinton, M. Weigel, and A. J. Robison. [2009]. Confronting the Challenges of Participatory Culture: Media Education for the 21st Century. Occasional Paper on Digital Media and Learning. Chicago: John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation). Many have argued that media literacy efforts are needed for youth to fully leverage these digital opportunities, but rigorous studies of such educational efforts are just beginning to emerge. Drawing on an original panel survey, this paper examines whether efforts to promote digital engagement literacies increase youth online engagement in politics. We find that they do. Educators’ efforts to foster digital engagement literacies increase youth engagement in participatory politics and in applying targeted political pressure to government, corporations, and nonprofits. 相似文献
10.
AbstractPreparing students to be effective citizens is a longstanding goal of public education. Historical content provides illustrative opportunities for civic learning. Teaching about the Holocaust exemplifies this approach. Employing an experimental research design with 865 secondary school students, we analyze effects on civic outcomes from learning about the Holocaust through a school-sponsored trip to a Holocaust museum. We find that lessons about the Holocaust increase students’ support for civil liberties and deepen historical content knowledge, but decrease religious tolerance. High school students and those from college-educated households drive increases in support for civil liberties, and these students are more likely to donate to human rights causes as a result of the intervention. Middle school students and those from less-educated households drive the negative religious tolerance effect. These findings suggest that history lessons can produce meaningful impacts on civic educational outcomes. However, a stronger educational foundation that comes with engaging with challenging political issues may be a vital prerequisite to avoid undesirable consequences. 相似文献
11.
CHARACTER, CIVIC RENEWAL AND SERVICE LEARNING FOR DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP IN HIGHER EDUCATION 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
ABSTRACT: This article explores the civic republican conception of citizenship underlying the Labour government's programme of civil renewal and the introduction of education for democratic citizenship. It considers the importance of the cultivation of civic virtue through political participation for such developments and it reviews the research into how service learning linked to character education can lead to the civic virtue of duty or social responsibility. 相似文献
12.
参与公共生活是培育公民意识的基本途径,＂思政课＂教学是大学生公民意识培育的主渠道。为了验证公民参与、＂思政课＂教学对大学生公民意识的培育效应,基于浙江省8所高校的随机抽样问卷调查,用回归模型进行检验,结果发现：参与政治公共事务对大学生公民意识培育具有双重影响,且影响力度最强;参与校园自治、参与社区服务对公民意识培育具有正面效应,但其培育效应不全面。＂思政课＂教学对大学生公民意识培育具有正向影响,但无法显著影响法治意识和自由意识,且影响力度弱于政治参与。大学公民教育须据此有效应对,以促进大学生养成现代理想公民品质。 相似文献
13.
在现代社会,为满足社会发展的需要,传统高校思想政治理论课需要不断地寻找创新点。思想政治教育与公民教育有着紧密的联系,但是两者也存在着明显的区别。在高校思想政治教育中实施公民教育,是推进高校思想政治教育创新的重要切入点。这需要在思想政治理论课大纲中突出和明确公民教育的目标;在其教学中突出公民教育的内容;并且,要改进和丰富其教学的手段和方式。 相似文献
14.
现代思想政治教育公民话语的生成与建构 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
王颖 《首都师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2007,(2):140-144
德育学界和思想政治教育学界引入公民教育理论作为反观自身的一个理论视角和分析工具，导致了所谓的向公民教育转型的理论呼吁和现实探索，不仅映现了思想政治教育对于时代背景和现实生活的敏感，也挑明了思想政治教育培养目标的重新定位和努力方向。这意味着思想政治教育要进一步开拓学术研究的理论视野，吸收多学科的理论资源，充实思想政治教育的政治含量和公民意蕴，推进我国公民文化的育成和发展。 相似文献
15.
我国近代著名的教育家袁公为,对公民教育的理论与方法进行了探索与研究,形成了自己对公民教育的独到思考与认知:世界近代的公民教育是历史发展的产物;广义的公民教育概念;社会学、政治学和心理学为公民教育提供理论基础和知识借鉴;从学校到社会,从小学到中学,从课内到课外,从知识教学到行为训练的系统的公民教育实施方法。袁公为公民教育思想对现代思想政治教育仍具重要的启示和借鉴意义。 相似文献
16.
作为我国近代著名教育家,舒新城对民国时期的公民教育有着独到的思考和认识。他认为民国时期公民教育是国民对教育自觉的产物;主张广义的公民教育,即造就明达的公民,使其不仅具备政治生活常识,还应具备社会生活常识、经济生活常识和良好的道德修养;提倡知行并进的公民教育方法,知要启发独立思考,行则引导学生自主研究。舒新城公民教育思想对当今的思想政治教育仍具重要的启示和借鉴意义。 相似文献
17.
近十年我国公民（意识）教育研究述要——基于CIKI期刊的分析 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
李瑞君 《安阳师范学院学报》2010,(4):113-116
建设中国特色的政治文明是我国构建和谐社会的必然要求和制度保证。公民意识作为一个关键的结构性要素,必将发挥重要的内在动力机制作用。实践证明,公民意识的短缺在一定程度上造成了我国现代化实现的思想障碍。实施公民教育,鼓励公民践行政治活动是培育公民意识的途径。 相似文献
18.
Yuxin TU 《Frontiers of Education in China》2011,6(3):426-448
Citizenship is a complex and multidimensional concept. There has been a tendency to compare traditions of citizenship in the
West with those in the East, captured by a stereotype that depicts the West as individualistic and the East as collectivist.
The purpose of this study is to investigate what kind of citizenship is exhibited by Chinese university students, including
both their civic perception and their civic participation. Using a recently developed distinction between thin and thick citizenship, the findings from both quantitative and qualitative data analysed in this study reveal that Chinese university
students tend towards thin citizenship, as they demonstrate positive civic attitudes yet lack strong evidence of participatory
citizenship. The paper also discusses the impact of Confucian and other Chinese traditional value systems on typical views
of citizenship held by Chinese students, and offers the suggestion that the citizenship education curriculum should incorporate
experiential learning. 相似文献
19.
Kate Dunsmore 《Learning, Media and Technology》2008,33(1):1-10
Research on the lack of civic and political engagement on the part of today’s youth has relied on traditional, often quantitative, measures of political knowledge that may miss important elements of the process. Using an ethnographic approach with a group of inner‐city high school students, our study reveals a richer construction of students’ awareness of political issues, or political socialization than previously documented by conventional survey measures. Notably present is a sophisticated awareness of and identification with non‐news television formats which suggests that sources such as TV talk and reality shows may be important sources of political discourse and even civic engagement. Our study also supports the value of hands‐on media production projects for understanding youth political knowledge and awareness, suggesting an additional tool for political communication and civic engagement research. 相似文献
20.
Jacqueline Witschge Jesper Rözer Herman G. van de Werfhorst 《British Educational Research Journal》2019,45(2):298-319
In addition to increasing cognitive skills and preparing students for the labour market, one of the core tasks of education is to prepare citizens for participation in democracy. Considering the ideal of democratic equality, it is important to know the degree to which civic outcomes of education are distributed equally. One feature of the education system that can lead to differential civic outcomes is tracking, that is, the sorting of students into different types of education. In this study, we examine the relationship between type of education (general/academic or vocational) and five attitudinal dimensions of civic and political engagement between the ages of 14 and 49 years in the Netherlands. By using panel data from the Netherlands Longitudinal Lifecourse Study (n = 5,312) and applying linear fixed effects models, we can observe the effect of a transition in the type of education on the within-person change in our outcome variables. The findings demonstrate that transitions in the type of education have little effect on intention to vote, trust in institutions or ethnic tolerance. However, students making transitions in general/academic education develop higher levels of interest in politics and generalised trust than do students in vocational education or people outside the education system. This point suggests that general/academic education fosters civic and political participation. 相似文献