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1.
ABSTRACT

This article illustrates the historic relationship between the Brown v. Board of Education decision and the school choice movement. It will discuss the immediate push back to Brown particularly from Southern states that were resistant to desegregating public schools; a move that would provide African-American parents with educational choice for their children. Within the United States Congress 101 members, most from formerly Confederate states, drafted what is commonly known as the Southern Manifesto intent on reversing the Court’s decision and urging states to defy the law. Sixty years after the signing of the Southern Manifesto, there is still a coalition pushing for “freedom of choice,” this time with a sincere interest in the well-being of students trapped in the nation's lowest-performing schools and a mandate for equal opportunity, racial, ethnic, and gender equality.  相似文献   

2.
ABSTRACT

The United States Congress’ Southern Congressional Delegation promulgated the Declaration of Constitutional Principles, popularly known as the Southern Manifesto, on March 12, 1956. The Southern Manifesto was the South’s primary means to effectively delay implementation of public school desegregation as ordered by the United States Supreme Court decision, Brown v. Board of Topeka, Kansas (1954; as cited in Day, 2014). This essay places the desegregation of American public school system within the larger context of the time period in which it transpired, and explains how racial disparity in public education was perpetuated after the Jim Crow caste system was dismantled in the 1960s. Ironically, while de jure desegregation of American public schools was effectively accomplished by the early 1970s under the administration of President Richard M. Nixon, government spending during the era after World War II, perpetuated racial and economic disparity in America’s public schools that prevails up to the present day.  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT

In the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education case, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled segregated schools unconstitutional, and the process of school desegregation fell mostly to Black children. For over 35 years, Black families in St. Louis City have been using school transfers to cross boundaries in order to send their children to higher performing, predominately White schools in suburban St. Louis County in search of “a better education.” Relying on turbulence theory and Critical Race Theory (CRT), this study uses a media framing analysis to examine how newspaper articles described school transfers to the broader public between 2007 and 2017. Findings indicate that the articles described Black and White school districts as being affected by varying levels of turbulence and conflict. Findings also outline examples of opportunity hoarding by White schools and districts. The original focus of the Brown case was the lack of equitable resources in Black schools, and this study reignites questions about exclusion, privilege, and the choices made by Black families to receive educational equity.  相似文献   

4.
美国联邦最高法院在布朗诉教育委员会(1954)一案中宣告学校中的种族隔离制度违宪。该案重塑了教育平等权的概念,在全世界范围内都产生深远影响。然而这一举世闻名的案件事实上是发生在四个不同州的法律诉讼的集合。借助当年的史料,本文对发生在弗吉尼亚州的案件的缘起、发展、以及在实施中所遇到的重重困难和阻力进行微观分析。该分析显示,布朗案仅是美国教育种族合校的开始,远非胜利。  相似文献   

5.
In July 1963, students from Queens College (QC) and a group of New York City teachers traveled to Prince Edward County (PEC), Virginia, to teach local black youth in Freedom Schools. The county had eliminated public education four years earlier to avoid a desegregation order. PEC Freedom Schools represented the first major effort to recruit an integrated group of outside teachers and students to educate black students in a civil rights battleground over an entire summer. In contrast to the racial and class tensions that arose between black leaders and predominantly white volunteers in other civil rights campaigns, PEC volunteers willingly deferred to the expertise of local and outside black leaders. This paper identifies the relatively modest scope and well‐defined mission of the program, the real‐world experiences of volunteers, and the high quality of black leadership as factors that led to this positive outcome.  相似文献   

6.
Two popular media forms are examined—the documentary film Waiting for “Superman” and the HBO television series, The Wire—that present distinct, and at times conflicting, depictions of how to address educational inequity. Qualitative media content analysis was used to analyze the two media documents and to situate them within broader popular media representations of school failure. Waiting for “Superman” depicted school choice and dismantling unions as one way to address school failure. The Wire, in contrast, suggested a more complex and uncomfortable portrayal of school failure where blame is not directed at teachers and schools exclusively, but instead encompasses a complex web of inequity due to bureaucracy, economics, culture, politics, and media coverage. The analysis suggests that media sources such as film and television can play a role informing the public on issues of school reform and should be critically examined as pieces of the larger puzzle of improving schools and addressing school inequity.  相似文献   

7.
The Brown v. Board of Education decision remains one of the most important legal decisions in history. Although there were local schemes used to avoid desegregating public schools after the decision, black students experienced declining segregation from the 1950s to the late 1980s. During the 1990s, however, a series of Supreme Court decisions stymied desegregation efforts. As a result, some scholars would argue that many of the changes that Brown began are now becoming undone. Given this reality, the 50th anniversary of Brown will not be as celebratory as it might have been. This article examines the impact of Brown and its progeny.  相似文献   

8.
Forty years afterBrown v. Topeka Board of Education, the U.S. Supreme Court's decision declaring de jure segregated schools unconstitutional, we are still seeking the full implementation of that decree. Most Americans accepted limited implementation ofBrown, and the degree of acceptance is split along racial lines. Racial dialogue has changed. White Americans, who control the desegregation process, develop integration plans to their advantage. School integration was not implemented until after passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and peaked in 1972. Today, school integration is declining due to a backlash, changing demographics, and declining resources. However,Brown was a success because it rid the country of legalized state segregation by race in education and in other areas of public policy. The Court could merge the equality standards ofPlessy v. Ferguson and the integration standards ofBrown to give us quality integrated education.  相似文献   

9.
Web of Dreams     
Answering the question “How much theory does it take to read this month's bestseller?” Jackie Cook here demonstrates that a book like Web of Dreams by Virginia Andrews - one of secondary school students' favourite authors, according to a recently published APU survey1— defies most teacherly prejudices about “formula” writing.  相似文献   

10.
Fifty years after the Brown v. Board of Education decision outlawed de jure segregation in American schools, many school districts remain segregated. Despite numerous efforts aimed at desegregation, residential segregation—the primary barrier to significant school desegregation—remains entrenched throughout the United States. The Miami-Dade County Public Schools, the nation's fourth largest school system, provides an excellent example of a segregated metropolitan region that produced a segregated school system and defied numerous efforts at significant school desegregation.  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

Fifty years after the Browndecision, and in the context of persistent racial and economic segregation and inequality in schooling, it is still important to examine Brown's legacy. In this focus on school choice, the rhetoric and the ways in which the legacy of Brownhas been emphatically invoked in charter school and voucher debates is studied. Four ways in which Brownis currently raised in school choice debates are identified. Through an examination of these four narratives, the ways in which the school choice debate provides a current, active space for the rethinking of the civil rights movement and its symbols, goals, and legacies are examined.  相似文献   

12.
At present, the structures, practice, and discourse of schooling are anchored to a “commercial spirit” that understands students, educators, and parents as economic operators trading competitively in human capital and to a discourse of failure that is disabling those who seek to understand and enact John Dewey's notion of education as democratic practice. Here Barbara Stengel illustrates both the commercial spirit in public schools and the discourse of school failure across two geopolitical settings: Shanghai, China, and urban U.S. schools. She argues that framing the educational enterprise in terms of economic success and failure makes it difficult for educators to address Dewey's vision of democracy and education substantively. Stengel concludes with an acknowledgment that, regardless of putative political commitments, these two public school systems are schooling — though not often educating — the same neoliberal subject, but that Dewey's vision of democracy and education nonetheless remains critical and compelling.  相似文献   

13.
This article analyzes the legal classification of Mexican Americans as “other white” as argued in a number of critical court cases that beginning in the 1930s up to the 1970s attempted to desegregate public schools in Texas. Since the Texas constitution declared school segregation as being only for “colored children,” Mexican Americans in their fight against de facto segregation sought to claim their legal classification as white. My objective is to further analyze these cases as presented in the literature in order to examine what the relationship between Mexican American whiteness as a legal category versus their “otherness” as a social category says about the vital role of public schools in reproducing, as well as creating, social, political, and economic marginalization.  相似文献   

14.
In this essay, Terri Wilson puts the argument developed by Kathleen Knight Abowitz that charter schools could be considered as counterpublic spaces into interaction with empirical research that explores patterns of voluntary self‐segregation in charter schools. Wilson returns to the theoretical tension between Jürgen Habermas and Nancy Fraser over the inclusivity of the public sphere. Wilson argues that Fraser's concept of counterpublic space rests on an oversimplification of Habermas's concept of the public sphere and, further, that justifying school choice through Fraser's “multiplicity of publics” offers few resources for questioning the increasing segregation of schools. According to Wilson, Habermas's normative project—and his concept of “idealization,” in particular—offers both an answer to Fraser's critique and a better application of “the public sphere” to the issue of school choice. Wilson concludes by considering how Habermas's understanding of the public sphere as a normative ideal might serve as a useful resource for evaluating the public‐ness of charter school reform.  相似文献   

15.
Perched on the Mason-Dixon line, Baltimore ignored calls for resistance from its southern neighbors by becoming one of the first cities in the country to comply withBrown. By the beginning of the 1955 school year, leaders had implemented a desegregation plan, and Baltimore was being applauded for the early and peaceful integration of its public schools. Within a few years, however, the praise faded as it became clear that Baltimore still suffered from de facto segregation. Faced with this reality, the school board refused to take the steps necessary to remedy the problem, instead shifting the blame to society at large. This failure by the board started a pattern of abandonment by school leadership that culminated in 1991 with the privatization of several of Baltimore's public schools. The result of this abandonment is a crippled school system that still has not dealt with issues of race and equality.  相似文献   

16.
As the demographic make-up of public schools (and neighborhoods) shift and schools become increasingly segregated, the role of school boards becomes critically important in maintaining policies designed to remedy segregation and promote equal opportunity, policies which may challenge the status quo. Specifically, in school districts and communities where politics are fluctuating, longstanding diversity policies that have assisted in creating integrated learning environments can be overturned by a single school board election. Further, as suburbanization within countywide school districts creates distinct enclaves—where student populations are significantly whiter and more affluent than the district as a whole and political fragmentation is perpetuated—school board members representing elite enclaves may be less supportive of policies that would lessen the privilege of these residents. This paper explores school board leadership and policymaking in two Southern school districts where politics are currently in flux: Jefferson County (Louisville), Kentucky and Wake County (Raleigh), North Carolina. Specifically, we seek to: (1) understand how demographic change—particularly the creation of suburban enclaves—influences public support for and implementation of integration policies; (2) examine the politics of diversity in a larger environment skeptical of race-conscious policies; and (3) analyze local policymaking and leadership.  相似文献   

17.
Nishimura  Mikiko 《Prospects》2019,47(4):393-412

The Free Primary Education (FPE) policy in Kenya created a dichotomy between the widespread notion that the government should be responsible for everything and the reality that the government had stopped recruiting teachers. This article investigates the current state of the accountability system for school governance in public schools in the Maasai community in Loitokitok District, Kajiado County, by focusing on the client power of parents and communities. A case study of eight schools in the Masai community reveals that a sense of “working together” and a substantial degree of client power are present in various school initiatives. Elements that enhance client power include information sharing, collaboration and coordination with stakeholders, critical-thinking ability, respect and trust, and other unique efforts. The study also indicates the limitations of the dichotomous lens of “service provider” and “client” and questions the instrumental approach to community participation in school management.

  相似文献   

18.
The focus of my remarks will be narrow: Title V of S.1141, the “AMERICA 2000 Excellence in Education Act.” This section of the bill, entitled “Parental Choice of Schools,” authorizes the appropriation of federal grants for local educational agencies that implement educational choice programs; assures that Chapter I remedial educational services will be available for children participating in educational choice programs; and provides special grants for educational choice programs of national significance. A key aspect of these provisions—and one of its most controversial — is the requirement that an “educational choice program” must include both public and nonpublic educational options. Thus, for example, section 523(b) defines “educational choice program” as:

a program adopted by a State or by a local educational agency under which

(1) parents select the school, including private schools, in which their children will be enrolled; and

(2) sufficient financial support is provided to enable a significant number or percentage of parents to enroll their children in a variety of schools and educational programs, including private schools.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

This article builds a case for nuanced conceptualizations of “urban” and “-suburban” educational contexts and issues. The author analyzes data across two studies—one of upper-middle-class White parents with children in Chicago public schools, and the other of Black low-income and working-class parents who moved from Chicago to a Wisconsin suburb. The findings suggest that monolithic framings of urban and suburban educational issues and populations can mask patterns of inequality within and across particular locales.  相似文献   

20.
School context—institutional, community, national socio-cultural, economic and political—plays an important role in developing the characteristics of a learning organisation. In the last decade, the discussion on the school as a learning organisation (SLO) has emerged in Greece which is characterised by a centralised and highly bureaucratised educational system. However, there is a gap in studying SLOs nationwide in Greece and more importantly in using a valid and tested instrument related specifically to schools. The aim of this study was to examine the validity of the School as Learning Organisations Survey, based on Integrated Model of the School as Learning Organisation, used in a large scale nationwide SLO study in the Greek context and investigate whether two key antecedents, school size and school geographic location, are related to the level of schools' operating as learning organisations (LOs). A quantitative research was conducted in 418 primary schools throughout Greece. Findings showed that the Schools as Learning Organisations scale in the Greek context consisted of six dimensions and 65 items that loaded on these dimensions. Furthermore, “school size” is related to the transformation of schools into LOs. On the contrary, there seems to be no association between school geographic location and the operation of Greek schools as LOs.  相似文献   

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