共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Brenda Cooper 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(1):44-63
–This analysis argues that Kimberly Peirce's film Boys Don't Cry can be read as a liberatory narrative that queers the centers of heteronormativity and hegemonic masculinity by privileging female masculinity and celebrating its differences from heterosexual norms. My critique emphasizes how the narrative strategically challenges heteronormativity and, in turn, “narrative's heteroideology” (Roof, 1996), in four ways: 1) by dismantling the myth of “America's heartland”; 2) by problematizing heteromasculinity; 3) by centering female masculinity; and 4) by blurring the boundaries of female masculinity. I argue that the articulation of each subversive strategy within the narratives of Boys Don't Cry can serve a liberatory function, whereby the privileged subjectivities of heterosexuality and hegemonic masculinity are dismantled and, simultaneously, female masculinity and gender fluidity are privileged and normalized. I conclude that the narrative structure of Boys Don't Cry not only privileges gender diversity, but also exposes the inherent sexual bigotry of heteroideology and the brutal and deadly consequences of society's failure to eradicate such prejudice. I just keep on laughing Hiding the tears in my eyes Because boys don't cry. Boys don't cry. (Smith, Tolhurst, & Dempsey, 1988) 相似文献
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Christina Morus 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(2):142-165
Through this essay, I assert that the intellectual authority of prominent cultural intellectuals can affect a form of “cultural pedagogy” that can essentially re-educate an audience through constitutive discourses that can re-articulate that audience's identity, cultural framework, and historical references, and in so doing can normalize mass violence. Serbian intellectuals and cultural elites played a prominent role in initializing the extreme nationalist mindset that increasingly polarized Yugoslavia throughout the 1980s. In 1986, the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences (SANU) drafted a Memorandum, the publication of which in the Serbian newspaper Vjecernje Novosti is retrospectively the precipitating event that awakened Serbian national consciousness. This essay critiques the 1986 Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences with regard to its role in constructing an exclusive and politically charged Serbian identity. Beginning with an examination of the Memorandum's central claims, this essay asserts that the dominant mythic themes that emerge in the document were part of a deliberate teleological reordering of historical events that provided the foundation for the constitutive rhetoric of Serbian intellectuals-turned-politicians. This essay allows for a deeper understanding of the effects of constitutive discourses, rooted in a mythos of victimization, on the emergent nationalism and mass violence in the former Yugoslavia. 相似文献
3.
Yvonne Slosarski 《传播与批判/文化研究》2016,13(3):250-268
Taking the case of the 2011 protests at the Wisconsin state capitol, this essay theorizes a model of political culture jamming. When 100,000 people swarmed downtown Madison, I argue, they jammed both Governor Scott Walker's market-based rhetoric and organized labor's typical response to such attacks. This case study, then, extends culture jamming as a way of understanding resistance to the marketization of realms that extend beyond the vaguely cultural. It demonstrates that when expanded to include embodied, political action, culture jamming offers a particularly useful lens through which activists may challenge rhetorics that promote ever-expanding markets. 相似文献
4.
This study advances the concept of consumer nationalism in the international marketplace. It examines the complex role of the media in its formation and expressive practices through a case study of an incident involving Toshiba Corporation in China. The concept rests upon three key arguments of self-definition through consumption, globalization, and symbolic national unification. In their encounter with the global brand Toshiba, the Chinese media and consumers re-discovered and evoked a strong nationalistic sentiment underlined by Japan's past aggression and atrocities in China. The media discourse of national pride and dignity in the case study represents the complex confluence of China's continuing ambivalence towards Japan, sponsor activities by key advocacy groups, and the changing Chinese media practices. Further research is called for to consider the concept of consumer nationalism, its processes, participants, and consequences. 相似文献
5.
Research documents politicians’ use of religious rhetoric and its effects on the public, but little work has investigated the considerations influencing the decision to use religious rhetoric in the first place. We theorize that politicians’ use of religious rhetoric is determined by four considerations: the alignment between the speaker’s and audience’s religiosity, the acceptability of the speaker’s denomination to the audience, the speaker’s religious history, and the speaker’s party. Using the 2012 presidential election as a test case, we pair county-level religion data with a content analysis of 264 stump speeches to examine how the religious aspects of candidate rhetoric changed depending on the religious contours of a community. The evidence provides insight into how and why candidates “narrowcast” faith. 相似文献
6.
Harrod Suarez 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(1):67-84
In this paper, I argue that listening to a film is as significant as watching it; in spite of what seems like a formalist argument, I examine in what ways such an approach intervenes in the production of knowledge around Philippine history and Filipina/o bodies. In Kidlat Tahimik's film, Mababangong Bangungot, an overprivileging of the visual aids and abets the film's masculinist nationalism, despite the best efforts of critics to find a “third term.” That third term just might come from listening to the film, which delivers its own kind of postcolonial and feminist critique, one which impacts how we think about contemporary communication and cultural studies. 相似文献
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Rohini S. Singh 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(3):161-177
ABSTRACTThis essay explores how the language and priorities of the corporate world seep into the halls of government, and the ensuing implications of such rhetoric. Situating my analysis in Singapore's National Day Rally addresses from 1960 to 2018, I uncover two rhetorical signatures unique to Singaporean neoliberalism: the location of national character in economic performance, and the act of packaging and selling the nation to its people. I conclude by examining the implications of a corporate constitution of the nation for evoking affective ties to the nation, and by considering the value of Singapore's case to broader critiques of neoliberalism. 相似文献
9.
Casey Ryan Kelly 《传播与批判/文化研究》2018,15(2):161-178
American cinema has recently favored representations of white men as victims of socioeconomic and political change. Recent scholarship on white masculinity suggests that representations of male victimhood enable white men to disavow that hegemonic white masculinity still fundamentally structures society. This essay argues that Hollywood’s wounded man similarly provides white masculinity with stable footing. I illustrate how the unintelligibility of screen masculinity evades criticism and, further, how melancholic male dramas nurture a traumatic attachment to victimhood. Examining the film Foxcatcher (2014), I show how unmasked portraits of white male victimhood function as counterparts to the hard-bodied action hero. The filmmaker’s effort to parse the distinction between material and superficial wounds reifies the experience of noble suffering as a superlative expression of aggrieved white manhood. Foxcatcher’s fragmented portrayal of white masculinity illustrates the elasticity of victimhood even where “crisis” suggests that white masculinity is open to revision. 相似文献
10.
Contrary to the “different cultures” view of men's and women's communication, prior research on communication values has found only small sex differences in the value placed on various affective and instrumental skills. However, this research has been criticized because college students' values may not reflect those of older individuals, and because it has failed to examine the influence of psychological gender (femininity and masculinity). In the current study, 153 men and 151 women over the age of 40 completed the Communication Functions Questionnaire (a measure of value for eight communication skills), as well as the Bern Sex Role Inventory (a measure of femininity and masculinity). Consistent with past research, sex differences in communication values were few and small. Femininity and masculinity were positively associated with most communication values, and mediatedmost of the observed sex differences. 相似文献
11.
Claire Sisco King 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(4):366-385
Offering a critical interrogation of white masculinity within David Fincher's Fight Club (1999), this essay uncovers a key strategy through which hegemonic systems persist, positing the abject body as a trope for understanding the life of hegemonic ideological formations. Adopting the “interspace” of abjection allows hegemonic masculinity to become everything and nothing at the same time and is a “dangerous” strategy that must be denied at all costs. Insofar as hegemony requires its abjection to remain invisible, this essay names hegemonic masculinity “abject” in order to offer critical prophylaxis against white masculinity's attempts to reproduce its cultural privilege. 相似文献
12.
Traditional rhetorical theory tends to adopt the rhetor's point of view, emphasizing invention of rhetorical messages, rather than the audience's reception and interpretation of messages. The audience is ordinarily conceptualized in humanistic rhetorical theory as a target, a source of expectations to guide the rhetor's invention, a means to accomplish the rhetor's ends, or even an obstacle. We argue that a more complete view of rhetoric should include the audience as a potentially active part of the process of persuasion. Accordingly, we propose to supplement our traditional theories of rhetoric by sketching a complementary view of rhetoric as the process of an auditor's processing and responding to messages. The inspiration for this conception, Petty and Cacioppo's Elaboration Likelihood Model, is sketched, and implications for rhetorical theory and criticism are discussed. 相似文献
13.
China's soft power campaign has spawned many scholarly studies on it, but few have examined its rhetorical aspect. Through keyword analysis, this research examines strategic ambiguity in China's public affairs rhetoric surrounding the Six Party Talks over North Korea's nuclear program. The two keywords, ‘the Six Party Talks’ and ‘da ju’ (big picture, overall view), are semantically open and central to China's rhetoric in defining ‘What is it?’ and ‘Why is it?’ with regard to the talks. Analysis shows that strategic ambiguity contributed to some of China's goals. However, it was not adjusted when it stopped working. Its effectiveness was undercut by certain inconsistent messages, and da ju failed to differentiate between domestic and international political context and was also culturally maladaptive. This research contributes to public diplomacy and public affairs rhetoric research. 相似文献
14.
Sonja K. Foss 《Communication Studies》2013,64(2):367-378
Richard Weaver's notion that the forms of argument used by a speaker—genus, similitude, cause and effect, or circumstance‐indicate the speaker's ideology is used to analyze speeches of Jimmy Carter, Lyndon Johnson, and Jane Byrne, mayor of Chicago. Their early rhetoric was characterized by argument from genus, their later rhetoric by less idealistic forms of argument, suggesting that their world view has changed and with it the public's view of their performance. 相似文献
15.
Wesley T. Durham 《Communication Studies》2013,64(2):132-147
Critical literature has largely ignored the element of purpose in Kenneth Burke's dramatistic pentad, along with its attendant philosophy of mysticism. Chiara Lubich's 1977 Templeton Prize Acceptance Speech presents rhetorical critics with a valuable opportunity to observe in practice the features of a rhetoric of purpose, as Burke has disseminated them. In fact, analysis of Lubich's speech according to Burke's criteria of purposive rhetoric suggests the existence of a discrete sub‐class of purposive rhetoric identified here as the mystical narrative. 相似文献
16.
Charles Kauffman 《Communication Studies》2013,64(2):353-366
This essay examines Plato's theory of rhetoric to discover the values implicit in that theory. Plato's assumptions about rhetoric and his uses of it initiate a different tradition of thought in Western rhetoric, a tradition which embraces lies, censorship, and deception to inculcate “correct” thought and action in audiences. 相似文献
17.
Peter Suwarno 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):65-88
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the rhetoric of Habibie's speeches in order to explain his rhetorical strategies in intensifying Indonesian science and technology development using Kenneth Burke's ‘dramatistic analysis’. It examines significant key terms selected from Habibie's campaign speeches (1983–1993), discusses the symbolic relationships among the key elements of the drama of Indonesian technology development, as well as interprets the rhetor's strategies and motivations. It also describes the significance of Habibie's roles in recent political develompent with the background of Indonesian ideologies and traditional values. It concludes that Habibie's rhetoric points to ‘technologically modern society’ as the national goal, technologists and scientists as the leaders, and intensive science and technology development as the means, which marks a dramatic change in the already changing traditional concepts of development, political leadership and prosperity. 相似文献
18.
Kristen Hoerl 《Communication Studies》2013,64(4):355-370
Spike Lee's film Malcolm X (1992) presented Malcolm X's life story using the narrative framework of the American Dream myth central to liberal ideology. Working from Gramsci's notion of common sense in the process of hegemony, I explain how Lee appealed to this mythic structure underlying American popular culture to give a platform to Malcolm X's controversial ideas. By adopting a common sense narrative to tell Malcolm X's life story, this movie functioned as a form of cinematic jujitsu that invited critical consciousness about the contradictions between liberal ideology and the life experiences of racially excluded groups. Other formal devices in Lee's film incorporated Malcolm X's rhetoric within the common sense of mainstream politics and connected Malcolm X to more contemporary racial struggles. This analysis suggests that common sense framings of controversial figures may provide a limited space to challenge institutionalized forms of racism within popular culture. 相似文献
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Davis W. Houck 《Communication Studies》2013,64(3-4):285-298
Many scholars have misunderstood and misinterpreted Malcolm X's pilgrimage to Mecca in the spring of 1964. Instead of treating the conversion within its historical moment, scholars have de‐politicized this crucial event by ignoring the historical, political, and rhetorical dynamics of the situation. In this essay, I argue for a rhetorical reading of Malcolm's Mecca pilgrimage. Malcolm's conversion to orthodox Islam facilitated his attempts to actualize his political mission of internationalizing the battle for civil rights. Converting to orthodox Islam also enabled Malcolm to appropriate the rhetoric of the Koran to legitimate his political mission of indicting the United States on human rights violations at the United Nations. 相似文献