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Ulisse Cecini 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2013,25(3):331-344
AbstractThis article sets out to be a concise account of Mark of Toledo's Qur?ān translation. It will be structured as follows: first, it will provide information about when and in what circumstances it was realised. Second, it will present some examples, which will show Mark's way of translating and transferring form and content of the Qur?ān for his Latin-speaking Christian audience. Mark mostly translates words consistently throughout the text, and also tries to translate words derived from the same Arabic root with root-related Latin words. Moreover, he does not usually try to convey the semantic nuances a word may have, seemingly not paying attention to the context, but translating with a standard, basic meaning of the word. (This observation should be taken as a tendency and not as a rule, as the excursus at the end will illustrate.) Nevertheless, Mark does not violate the grammar of the Latin language. Despite his fidelity to the text, Mark's Christian cultural background sometimes influences the translation. In the conclusion, the features of Mark's translation will be set out in relation to the cultural and political activity of its commissioner, the Archbishop of Toledo Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada. 相似文献
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Paul M. Cobb 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2006,18(1):67-78
Usāma ibn Munqidh (d. 584/1188) is best known for his “memoirs” entitled Kitāb al-i?ibār, which provides a personal and detailed window into the world of an aristocratic Syrian Muslim in the period of the Crusades. But scholars have almost completely ignored a lesser-known work by Usāma called Lubāb al-ādāb or The Kernels of Refinement. This anthology consists mostly of poetic excerpts relating to adab, the ideal conduct of the male courtier, but, scattered throughout, it also contains a handful of narrative anecdotes about Usāma and his times very much akin to the material found in his “memoirs”: tales of admirable behaviour, of encounters with the Franks, of Usāma's family, and the daily life of the elites of his day. This article presents these narrative extracts translated into English for the first time, with commentary, and with the intention that The Kernels of Refinement will attract the attention it deserves from both Arabists and non-Arabists. 相似文献
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Hannah Hagemann 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2016,28(1):36-56
ABSTRACTKhārijite resistance to Umayyad authority during the caliphate of Mu?āwiya b. Abī Sufyān (r. 661–680) is represented in detail in the works of the early Muslim scholars A?mad b. Ya?yā al-Balādhurī (d. c. 892) and Mu?ammad b. Jarīr al-?abarī (d. 923). While the Khārijites are overwhelmingly depicted by both authors as religious fanatics whose excessive piety caused widespread bloodshed and who thus should be condemned, a closer look reveals that Khārijites serve specific and distinct narrative purposes: al-Balādhurī uses them mainly to illustrate Umayyad tyranny, while al-?abarī addresses the consequences of Khārijite revolts for communal and imperial stability. The latter's work is also marked by a dichotomy between activist and quietist Khārijism, implying that al-?abarī is not so much opposed to Khārijism as a set of “heretic” religious ideas, but rather to its violent expression of politico-religious opposition. 相似文献
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Rachid El Hour 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(3):265-278
This article examines the nature of the wrath of Abū Marwān al-Yu[hdot]ānisī, a thirteenth-century Andalusi saint, and the protagonist of the Tu?fat al-mughtarib of al-Qashtālī. I have divided the study into two main parts. The first sets out and analyses various occasions on which the saint committed violent acts against Christians. Two of them died as a consequence of these aggressions. All the cases in this first part took place in the Muslim East during the saint's stay in this area. The second part examines cases of violence committed against Muslim people from al-Andalus. The victims suffered the consequences of the wrath of the saint, although he was not directly involved in the aggressions themselves. The stories are narrated by al-Yu[hdot]ānisī himself, and we do not know whether they really took place. Regarding these manifestations of violence, the hagiographic sources not only justify all the violent acts committed by the saint, murder included, but they present the saint to society as an “example” to follow, and indeed as a “hero”. 相似文献
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Péter Tamás Nagy 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(2):132-146
The following study concerns Shāla, which was the necropolis of the Marīnid rulers from 683/1284 to 752/1351. The Islamic buildings on the site have rarely received scholarly attention, although these edifices – despite their delapidated condition – are among the most important constructed by the dynasty. One of my main aims is to re-establish the buildings' chronological sequence, using the written and archaeological evidence, including publications about the site written in Arabic, which have hardly been considered so far. I also address the meaning and aims behind structure erected for each founder, which, in my view, have been misinterpreted by previous scholarship. In summary, this article attempts to revise our knowledge about the site. 相似文献
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Hussein Keshani 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2004,16(1):75-91
The Byzantine emperor Theophilus (829–842) is recorded as having commissioned a palace in the style of contemporary Abbāsid palaces in Baghdad near Constantinople, making it an important instance in the visual cultural exchange between Byzantium and Islamdom. One widely held explanation suggests that Theophilus had a taste for the arts of Islamdom. This paper argues that the Abbāsid‐style palace of Theophilus should be placed in the context of contemporary political events and Theophilus's architectural patronage. The palace can then be seen as the product of Byzantine‐Muslim political and cultural rivalry mediated by an increasingly shared culture of objects that included architectural concepts. 相似文献
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Yasmin Amin 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2013,25(3):378-380
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Ana M. Montero 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2006,18(1):1-26
This article explores the textual connections between two narratives: Ibn ufayl's (581/1185–6) Risālat ayy ibn Yaqān and a brief history of religions present in two works – the General Estoria and the Stenario – produced in the Castilian court of king Alfonso X (1221–1284). Both literary narratives deal with the intersection of philosophy and metaphysics. First, Alfonso X's cultural renaissance is contextualized. Under Arabic influence, Alfonso's collaborators created a cultural synthesis that was denounced by his son Sancho in the 1290s. Second, we compare Ibn ufayl's and Alfonso X's narratives. Ibn ufayl's model was probably adapted to justify a cultural programme that blended Christianity and Pagan inheritance. Unfortunately, there is no physical evidence to prove that Alfonso's circle was familiar with Ibn ufayl's work. Nevertheless, the analysis of a common genre – following A.W. Hughes's theory – allows us to contend that Alfonso X reproduced this type of text within a Christian context. 相似文献
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Mathieu Tillier 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(2):119-131
As Joseph Schacht argued in the 1950s, the office of qā?ī began in the Umayyad period as that of a “legal secretary” to provincial governors. Documentary evidence from Egypt confirms that governors were indeed regarded as the highest judicial authority in early Islam, and that their legal powers far surpassed that of any other judge. In large cities, governors appointed and dismissed qā?īs at will; decisions taken by qā?īs could be swiftly overruled by political authorities.Although the ?Abbāsids reformed and centralised the judiciary in the second half of second/eighth century, qā?īs were still subordinate to reigning rulers and unable to impose judgements that displeased the caliph or his main representatives. The increasing political and social influence of scholars and the development of classical schools of law eventually changed this situation. Relying on a body of both narrative and legal literature, this article addresses the qā?īs' attempts to resist political rulers' interference with the judiciary by asserting themselves as true representatives of the sharī?a. It argues that ?anafī legal literature, dating from the third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries, gradually elaborated a theory on the relationship between the qā?ī and the ruler. This theory was instrumental in doing away with political infringement on the judicial prerogative and was soon incorporated into adab literature, whose stories of rulers entirely subjugated to the rule of law became a new political model. 相似文献
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Andrew D. Buck 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2016,28(2):113-131
The castle of ?ārim in Northern Syria was a site of intense military and political scrutiny during the twelfth century. Whether under the control of the Frankish principality of Antioch or of Muslim-held Aleppo, it acted as the battleground for control of the frontier between these two powers. This article therefore seeks to examine how both sides adapted to the demands of this frontier. First, it will show how central this castle was to the balance of power in the region, a reality historians have so far often overlooked; second, it will demonstrate, through an examination of ?ārim's Frankish lordship, particularly the inheritance rights of its Latin lords, that diverse customs and relationships of power emerged to meet the challenges of defending and governing the frontier. 相似文献
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Şevket Küçükhüseyin 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2013,25(2):240-251
AbstractHagiographic sources are of particular value for the study of social life in historical societies. They reflect contemporary social discourses such as how to deal with members of different religious or ethnic groups or social classes. A prime Muslim example of this genre is the Persian Manāqib al-?ārifīn (Feats of the Knowers of God) of the Mawlawī-Dervish A?mad-i Aflākī written in Konya in the eighth/fourteenth century. It is dedicated to the life and deeds of the masters of the emerging brotherhood of the Mawlawiyya. This community was of outstanding importance in urban central and western Asia Minor in the eighth/fourteenth century, both as an institution of the urban middle classes and as an effective missionary, and was thus an important protagonist in the process of Islamisation. After some methodological considerations on the genre of hagiography, the article will address the issue of missionary strategies of the early Mawlawiyya on the basis of the Manāqib al-?ārifīn. 相似文献
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Johannes Den Heijer 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2013,25(2):155-183
AbstractThis article presents a vocalised edition (on the basis of MS T.-S. Misc. 36.174, Cambridge University Library) and a revised translation of a Hebrew ode written on the occasion of the Fā?imid victory over the invading Saljūq army in Cairo in 469/1077. Elaborating on earlier research on the Cairo Genizah treasures starting with Julius H. Greenstone's 1906 paper, the article first of all aims to present whatever historical data can be obtained about the poet, Solomon ben Joseph ha-Kohen, and about the time period and the circumstances in which he must have written his poem, which is addressed to the Fā?imid caliph al-Mustan?ir Billāh and his vizier Badr al-Jamālī. Other major objectives of the article are the identification of other historical persons and events alluded to in the praise poem, a literary analysis of the ode within the conceptual framework of “martial poetry”, and an examination of its laudatory or propagandistic aspects. 相似文献
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Gowaart Van Den Bossche 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2018,30(2):133-147
Bahā? al-Dīn b. Shaddād and Jean Sire de Joinville wrote two unrelated but remarkably similar biographies of the rulers they once served, ?alā? al-Dīn and Louis IX. Especially striking are two anecdotes in which both Ibn Shaddād and Joinville rebuke the ruler for excessive crying upon receiving the news of a close relative’s death. This essay explores the narrative logic that drove these authors to write their texts and these anecdotes in particular in such a similar way. By embedding their discourse on emotional restraint in the wider discursive matrix of advice literature circulating in the period, Ibn Shaddād and Joinville actively participated in narrative discussions on ideal rule. In this they did not only stress the importance of emotional restraint for a ruler, but also the necessity of employing good advisors, ideally exemplified by themselves. 相似文献