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1.
Going beyond the traditional socioeconomic status model of political participation, this study examines pathways that lead to the sociopolitical incorporation of immigrants in the USA, with a focus on the role of communication socialization agents. Using a Current Population Survey sample of 7,626 first-generation immigrants in the USA, results show that communication socialization agents significantly contribute to immigrants’ political socialization, and an important mediating path translates political learning into greater political engagement. Results also identify ethnic differences in how socialization variables affect immigrants’ socialization. 相似文献
2.
《Popular Communication》2013,11(3):129-151
Using a theoretical frame of cultural studies and social constructivism, I analyze data collected from 15 Americans born between 1965 and 1978-"Generation X'ers"-about how they remember and understand the significance of their popular communication tastes and practices for their political socialization, or what I choose to call individual political development. This study finds that these tastes and practices have had quasi-intentional, functional importance for individual political development in this generation, importance best described as media "uses and effects." While also theorizing about the implications of the postmodern era in which "Generation X'ers" and others have lived, this work speaks to the importance of incorporating individual developmental processes and meaning-making into work on the political implications of mass media and popular communication. 相似文献
3.
Political socialization affects the development of young people's attitudes in post-conflict societies. Political socialization may support a movement toward positive intergroup relations, or it may influence the perpetuation of intergroup tensions and divisions. In the context of Vukovar, Croatia, political socialization, for youth growing up in a post-conflict community, involves learning about social relations, including relational power and group status within a multi-ethnic community. The current study examines experiences of political socialization in this context. Qualitative data from ten focus groups, conducted among 11-, 13-, and 15-year-olds, mothers, and fathers of Serb and Croat ethnicity, are analyzed using the constant comparative method. Results indicate a belief in the importance of parents, peers, schools, and the media in the development of youth's political orientations, specifically related to intergroup relations. These attitudes are reflected in the lived realities of youth as political actors through their opinions toward intergroup interactions, their experiences of intergroup contact and conflict, and their beliefs about and recommendations for integrated education. Although some avoided any discussion of war, focus group participants’ predominant perspective reflected beliefs that the political socialization of youth operated to preserve intergroup tensions and division in Vukovar. The paper concludes with a number of policy and intervention implications. 相似文献
4.
Despite the egalitarianism that informs French civic culture, the socio-economic marginalization of citizens of non-European origin, mostly from North African countries, provide empirical evidence that challenges the French Republican ideal of integration. Such marginalization needs to be reconciled especially within the cultural realm. In this article, we look at French newspapers’ coverage of the children of immigrants during a ten-year period (2003–2013). We analyse coverage in three major newspapers since French news coverage can be considered to follow a specific political/literary model, which has a profound influence on how news in France is both coded and decoded. The article examines the ways political allegiances affect the portrayals of the children of immigrants. Using the constant comparative method, an analysis of the discourse over time shows that the narratives of integration of the decedents of North African immigrants have been complicated by the 2005 riots, both as a romantic illusion, a reflection of reality, or a possible outcome of events. The three newspapers grapple with the ambiguous position of the children of immigrants in French society in different ways. Coverage of children of immigrants continues to be divided along partisan lines which are bounded by the political/literary model of journalism. What is also clear is that the changing portrayal of children of immigrants is intrinsically attached to evolving social, political, and economic dynamics both nationally and beyond state borders. 相似文献
5.
People rely on their lay theories, or mindsets, to make meaning of their experience in intercultural contact. Given that proficiency in the local language is a crucial social marker of immigrants’ integration, we argue that language mindsets (i.e., beliefs about whether language learning ability is fixed or changeable) guide members of the receiving society to make inferences about immigrants’ language ability (e.g., “can immigrants improve their language ability?”). This social inference, in turn, predicts their willingness to interact with immigrants and support immigrants’ language education. In a correlational study (n = 231) and an experimental study (n = 106), we investigated whether and how language mindsets influence participants’ support for immigrants’ intercultural contact. We found that trait and experimentally-induced fixed (vs. growth) mindsets led to negative judgments of immigrants’ potential to develop their skills in the local language, which in turn predicted avoidance of contact with migrants and opposition to governmental funding of immigrants’ language education. The effects held even after controlling for participants’ political orientations, perceived difficulties of the English language, and judgments of target immigrants’ language fluency. These findings suggest that promoting growth mindsets about language ability can lead to more positive intercultural attitudes that impact the acceptance of migrants. We discussed the implications of language mindsets for understanding the processes of intercultural communication and forming positive intercultural relations. 相似文献
6.
Building on intersectional awareness literature, this paper examines how another individual difference regarding one’s perception of identity intersections — bicultural identity conflict (BII-C)— predicts immigrants’ interpretations of their social environment and general orientation to take action to support immigrants from one’s heritage group (GOA-I). While previous research has shown that BII-C, or perceived conflict (vs. harmony) between multiple cultural identities, is related to negative intergroup outcomes, we extend this research to examine how BII-C relates to social change actions that promote a more equitable society. An experimental study with 165 first- and second-generation immigrants living in the United States found support for a moderated mediation model. BII-C moderated the relationship between discrimination and the degree to which participants attributed discrimination to societal factors. These attributions were associated with GOA-I. Future research should consider additional individual differences, beyond intersectional awareness and BII-C, to see how these orientations may also act as a lens through which people interpret their social environment and are willing to take action to change it. 相似文献
7.
《Journal of Intercultural Communication Research》2013,42(6):510-529
ABSTRACTPrevious research indicated that communication through media has been intertwined into immigrants’ everyday lives and become an essential part of their acculturating practices. However, no research has been conducted to examine how innovative, ethnic social media play a role in Chinese immigrants’ acculturation process in terms of social capital. In order to fill the research gap, a qualitative study was conducted to explore how Chinese immigrants use social messaging to accumulate social capitals to facilitate their acculturation process. Thirty face-to-face in-depth interviews were conducted among Chinese immigrants to collect data. Findings revealed that Chinese immigrants tend to consider acculturation as a complex and long process in which they navigate through and position themselves in the unfamiliar cultural system. The ethnic social medium – WeChat, and in particular, its social messaging plays an essential role in shaping Chinese immigrants’ acculturation experiences by assisting them in garnering both bonding and bridging social capitals. 相似文献
8.
Perceptions and attitudes towards immigrants shape their adaptation and acculturation experiences. For immigrant youth, these perceptions also influence their developing sense of self and how they navigate different social contexts. Considering the growing diversity of immigrants and their places of settlement in the U.S., however, the empirical focus on native Whites’ perceptions of immigrant newcomers does not adequately reflect the range of potential in-group/out-group configurations. We know very little, for instance, about native minorities’ perceptions of White newcomers in different receiving contexts. The experience of Bosnian youth in St. Louis provides a unique case for examining perceptions of White newcomers in a nontraditional immigrant gateway, characterized by a sharp racial binary in its native population. Data for the present study includes i) qualitative interviews with 62 s-generation Bosnian youth and ii) a quantitative survey of non-Bosnian adult residents in St. Louis. Results show that overall, St. Louisians have positive views of Bosnians. This finding is complicated, however, by somewhat less favorable perceptions among Blacks than among Whites and the fact that most respondents indicated limited contact with Bosnians. In their interviews, Bosnian youth revealed that they use subtle cues such as mannerisms and shared cultural knowledge that are largely invisible to natives, to differentiate between groups. While our findings indicate that Bosnian youth may simply pass as Whites in their daily interactions with non-Bosnians, the results raise important questions about the extent to which these perceptions influence actual social networks and socialization patterns. 相似文献
9.
The purpose of this study is to analyze by immigrants’ characteristics their participation in and social integration performance on the Korea Immigration and Integration Program (KIIP), which the Korean government provides for education in Korean language and basic knowledge about Korea to support the social integration of immigrants; on that basis, it suggests policy implications. For this purpose, I surveyed 1,014 immigrants, including 800 participants and 214 non-participants of the KIIP; among these individuals, 46.1 % had experienced discrimination. There were several reasons they felt they had been discriminated against; general prejudice against immigrants in South Korea and lack of Korean language ability were the most common. The immigrants who participated in KIIP included several groups: visiting relatives, those who had moved to be with their families, immigrants living in Seoul, Vietnamese people, non-Korean spouses, longer-term non-Korean residents, and non-Han Chinese individuals. Those immigrants who participated in KIIP showed a high degree of adaptability to Korean culture. Korean language proficiency, a key output of KIIP, was the most important factor in improving immigrants’ cultural adaptation, sense of societal belonging, and economic conditions. 相似文献
10.
Ethnic-racial socialization is a mechanism through which immigrant parents instill in their children a sense of pride in their culture while preparing them for negative experiences with racial and cultural out-groups. For Black immigrant parents, this can include promoting a wariness of Black Americans in their children. Through this lens, we investigated an understudied intercultural dynamic via interviews with 12 first- and second-generation African and Caribbean immigrants. Using deductive and inductive analyses, we first examined the socialization messages they received about Black Americans from their parents, finding that in addition to messages inculcating ethnic and cultural pride, the participants also heard warnings about affiliation with Black Americans. Those messages relied on personal experiences and harmful stereotypes. Second, emergent from the data were examples of the ways the participants rejected their parents’ warnings. Experiences outside of the home appeared to influence views that were alternative to their parents. This novel finding provides avenues for future research investigating Black immigrants’ paths to a sense of connection or distancing from Black Americans. 相似文献
11.
Jason Vincent A. Cabañes 《Popular Communication》2019,17(2):109-124
ABSTRACTThis article explores popular media as resources for judgment in how settled migrants in Europe imagine solidarities toward newer arrivals seeking entry into the region. It discusses the news and entertainment consumption of Filipino nurses in London and how this figures in their imaginary of social and political bonds with refugees. Drawing on ethnographic interviews, I argue that these Filipino migrants can only articulate a compromised solidarity: one fractured between empathy with refugees and concern about what these newer arrivals might mean for settled migrants in the city. I then explain how the media contribute to this fracturing. One way is that the xenophobia in popular media content on social media leads the Filipinos to assert their difference with other migrants, including refugees. A second is that the Filipinos deploy popular media content, especially on British television, to assert that they belong to UK society more than other migrants, again including refugees. 相似文献
12.
European majority group members increasingly perceive threats to national continuity, which in turn leads to defensive reactions, including prejudice against Muslim immigrants. However, according to self-affirmation theory, individuals can respond in a less defensive manner if they have affirmed positive aspects of their self-concept (self-affirmation) or their social identity (group-affirmation). In the present research, we test the potential of affirmation procedures as tools for reducing prejudice towards Muslim immigrants when national continuity is threatened. We examine the impact of personal vs. normative attachment to Christian roots of national identity on the efficacy of affirmation procedures, and the congruence between the threatened and the affirmed domains of the self. Results show that group-affirmation reduced opposition to Muslims’ rights amongst participants personally attached to the idea that national continuity is based on Christian roots. The discussion stresses the importance of non-congruence between the threatened domain of the self and the affirmed domain for the design of affirmation procedures. 相似文献
13.
《Journal of Intercultural Communication Research》2013,42(2):108-131
This study utilizes critical race theory and critical language socialization to unpack embedded ideologies regarding language usage and immigrant wives’ heritage language transmission within multicultural families in Korea. Specifically, this study unveils hidden structures and beliefs which hinder or promote immigrant women’s use of heritage languages, and its intergenerational transmission. According to Sizemore, the language used by various ethnic group members often reflects their interethnic relationships. Exploring Asian female immigrants’ experiences of marginalization in Korea, this study uncovers the complex interethnic relationship among Asians, as well as show how immigrant wives’ language usage reflects power relations within Korea. 相似文献
14.
The study explores the emotional reactions and behavioral tendencies of people when they are told that their action deviates from current social norms. Of particular interest is the extent to which these reactions differ depending on the social controller's group membership. First- and second-generation North African immigrants in France (i.e., Maghrebians) were asked to imagine a situation in which they produced a counter-normative act and received disapproval from another Maghrebians immigrant or a member of the host community. They appraised the legitimacy of social control and the perception of being discriminated by this act of social control and rated their emotional and behavioral reaction to social control. First-generation immigrants reported less anger, more moral emotions, and a greater desire to repair their transgression when the social controller was presented as a member of the host society rather than a Maghrebian social controller. The results were reversed for second-generation immigrants. This asymmetry between first- and second-generation immigrants was mainly due to a mediating effect of the perceived legitimacy of social control, whereas perceived discrimination was not a significant mediator. This research demonstrates that the perceived legitimacy of social control based on the ethnic group membership of the social controller has profound effects on emotions and behaviors intended by the deviant. 相似文献
15.
Populist cosmopolitanism: the predicament of subjectivity and the Japanese fascination with overseas
Shiho Satsuka 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2013,14(1):67-82
Abstract This article examines the way in which seemingly contradictory positions of populism and cosmopolitanism are articulated in the development of the Japanese post‐Second World War fascination with overseas. Specifically, I analyze the writings of Ohashi Kyosen, a popular television entertainer, and investigate how a particular mode of subjectivity is expressed through his ideas of overseas leisure and retirement in his best‐selling book Kyosen: Choose Your Own Life (Kyosen: Jinsei no Sentaku) and related essays published around 2000. While the issue of subjectivity has been the central concern throughout modern Japanese history, earlier analyses have been focused on the critical writings of intellectuals. I argue that in order to understand the larger social impacts of the translation of subjectivity, we also need to examine how the issue is articulated in popular discourses. Ohashi’s popular writings suggest that the issue of subjectivity still haunts the contemporary everyday lives of many Japanese, and continues to be the key predicament for articulating a culturally meaningful model of ‘citizen’ in Japan. Ohashi’s writings raise questions about what it means to be an active agent of one’s life, and how to situate the self in the larger society. Through an analysis of Ohashi’s narratives, I first illustrate how subjectivity is negotiated through people’s demands for leisure and their concerns about retirement, both of which are entangled with their fascination with overseas. Second, I examine Ohashi’s narratives as an expression of the paradoxical position of the Japanese citizenry conditioned by the US–Japan political, economic, and military coalition. I discuss how the predicament of articulating Japanese subjectivity reflects this paradoxical position under the legacy of Cold War geopolitics in Asia. 相似文献
16.
Drawing upon Berry’s (1980) bi-dimensional model of acculturation and using data from a community-based sample of adults in Miami-Dade, Florida, the current investigation compared various immigrant acculturation profiles in their levels of depressive symptoms and assessed the mediating role of social support in explaining mental health differences across these acculturation profiles. Latent class analysis specified separated, partial separated, bicultural and marginal profiles of acculturation among Latino immigrants. Notably, our findings identified a small, albeit significant, marginal class among Latino immigrants, and both bivariate and multivariate findings demonstrated that those in marginal class reported the poorest mental health. Our findings further revealed that the observed mental health disadvantage among the marginal class relative to other immigrants was due to their disadvantage in family support . Overall, this investigation further underscores the importance of family support as an element of immigrant acculturation experience and mental health. From a policy perspective, social support, specifically family support, is critical for immigrant mental health, and a lack of family support may increase the risk for developing a marginal experience and mental health problems among a growing population of Latino immigrants in the United States. 相似文献
17.
With increasing immigration in European cities, questions surrounding social inclusion and exclusion rise. Although research has often analyzed how the size of the immigrant population in a country or a neighborhood relates to perceptions of safety (even though there is no demonstrated link between immigration and crime), research has not analyzed the presence of immigrants in the wider city, despite the fact that cities are highly diverse places that comprise the daily rounds of most residents. In our study, we analyze how the size of the non-EU immigrant population in a city is linked with how Europeans perceive safety in their neighborhood and their city. Using a survey of approximately 28,000 Europeans from 63 cities in 25 countries, our multilevel binary logistic regression analyses show three primary findings. First, urban Europeans on average feel more unsafe in their cities than their neighborhoods. Second, city-level percentage non-EU born is important only in conjunction with a moderator: city population size. We find that respondents feel more unsafe in cities with more non-EU immigrants in less populous cities, but in more populous cities respondents feel safer in cities with more non-EU immigrants. Third, in an analysis of subset of cities for which crime data were available, the second finding holds when controlling for homicide rates. Our conclusions connect how cities can be an important scale to understand links between immigration and fear of crime. 相似文献
18.
The ‘competitive threat’ theoretical model leads to the expectation that flows of documented and undocumented immigrants, economic downturns, and spread of conservative-nationalist ideologies would increase opposition to immigration. Recent studies on attitudes toward immigrants in American society do not show any increase in anti-immigrant sentiment. In the present study, we use data from the General Social Surveys (GSS) and American National Election Survey (ANES) to study change in opposition to immigration between 1996 and 2018. The findings obtained from the two data sources are strikingly similar and lead to the following conclusions. First, opposition to immigration had steadily and monotonously declined throughout the period. Second, the decline is evident even after considering variations and changes in the composition of the population, shifts in political ideologies, regional variations and cohort replacement. Third, the trend of decline in opposition to immigration takes a linear form. Fourth, opposition to immigration is stronger among Republicans and Independent voters than among Democrats. Fifth, the overtime decline in opposition to immigration was evident mostly among supporters of the Democratic Party increasing the division along party lines. The findings suggest that immigration is becoming a major political issue that is steadily polarizing American society. 相似文献
19.
With the passing of Royal Decree-Law 16/2012, Spain's national health system switched from a model defined by universal and free health care principles, to a private insurance system that excluded large population groups. Based on a qualitative research design, this paper examines the media treatment of undocumented immigrants’ prerogatives to public health care in Spain (2012–2018). The analysis of 234 articles, drawn from three major Spanish newspapers, reveals three frames that underscore the media's "rhetorics of inclusion," which argue for the extension of free medical services to irregular immigrantsa topic traditionally underestimated by the literature. The moralist frame, supported by social justice arguments, is found in tandem with the cost-benefit frame that advocates for immigrants’ health care access as a means for containing medical expenses. The overall predominance of the legalist frame largely relies on arguments that reflect a Spanish political culture rooted in the universality of health rights. 相似文献
20.
According to Allport's (1954) model of socialization of prejudice the level of prejudice of parents and their offspring should co-vary due to the offspring's adaptation to the parents’ attitudes. Available empirical studies and literature reviews support Allport's assumption. Modern models of socialization give reason to extend Allport's unidirectional influence model to a bidirectional perspective which assumes that parents influence their offspring's attitudes and are simultaneously influenced by them. In a cross-sectional study, 408 parent–offspring dyads (64% female parents, 55% female offspring, mean age of children = 16.47 years, SD 1.87, parents = 42.08 years, SD 7.08) from the ethnic majority population in Costa Rica were asked about their prejudice towards immigrants and ethnic minorities in Costa Rica. Using structural equation modelling, unidirectional and bidirectional models of prejudice determination were tested. The data clearly support the unidirectional model of prejudice transmission from parents to offspring, even if moderator effects of sex, age, and importance of contact are taken into account. 相似文献