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1.
It is now widely acknowledged that the Bush administration used faulty and false information to justify the 2003 war on Iraq, and that the mainstream media, by not adequately investigating the case for war, assisted with the project. In this paper, I outline the particular strategies employed by the media–military industrial complex to ensure a dominance of pro-war arguments in the public sphere. I conclude by arguing that the failure of the media in the US to meet the democratic needs of this society places enormous responsibility on intellectuals to produce scholarship critical of the new imperialism.  相似文献   

2.
The “hegemonic” tradition argues that the president enjoys unparalleled power to manage news and opinion during war. This approach has dominated political communication literature on war and the media for over a generation. The war with Iraq, however, provides a major challenge to conventional wisdom. We believe that classical propaganda theory provides a useful corrective to the hegemonic perspective and offers a better way to understand the Bush administration's propaganda strategy and its impact on public opinion. Using a combination of content analysis, opinion data, and analysis of the administration's Iraq-related public addresses, we argue that the president neither dominated war news nor managed public opinion in the manner predicted by hegemonic theories.  相似文献   

3.
In this essay, I try to answer a few basic questions about George W. Bush’s war rhetoric: (1) How did the president talk about the Iraqi people specifically and Arabs and Muslims generally? (2) How did that vision of Iraqis, Arabs, and Muslims shape the war and its aftermath? Bush did not talk about tyrants and terrorists the same way he did everyday Arabs and Muslims. Tracking the simplified, singular vision of a democratic, freedom-loving Arab and Muslim Other that the Bush administration anticipated, based policy around, and, in the end, failed to find is vital to account for the failures of the war on terror and to differentiate Bush’s imperialism from fin de siècle imperialists, Orientalists, and garden-variety racists before and after his presidency. The Bush administration went to both war and postwar on the basis of a deeply flawed constitutive framework, but where Arabs and Muslims were concerned, that framework failed because of presumed sameness, not difference. Put differently, calamities in war on terror were due to violence done to those construed as savages and violence enabled by a total failure to strategize around difference.  相似文献   

4.
Encompassing both the controlled messages of values advocacy and less explicit rhetorical actions such as philanthropy, community programs, and volunteerism, organizational epideictic affirms common values. This essay argues that such common values are problematized by the presence of paradox even in seemingly innocuous epideictic subjects. Through a case study of the National Collegiate Athletic Association's “Stay in Bounds” program teaching children to be good sports both on and off the field, the essay demonstrates the challenges of organizational epideictic through the paradox of excellence. It also provides suggestions for the management—but not elimination—of paradox in organizational epideictic, particularly directed at external publics.  相似文献   

5.
Encompassing both the controlled messages of values advocacy and less explicit rhetorical actions such as philanthropy, community programs, and volunteerism, organizational epideictic affirms common values. This essay argues that such common values are problematized by the presence of paradox even in seemingly innocuous epideictic subjects. Through a case study of the National Collegiate Athletic Association's “Stay in Bounds” program teaching children to be good sports both on and off the field, the essay demonstrates the challenges of organizational epideictic through the paradox of excellence. It also provides suggestions for the management—but not elimination—of paradox in organizational epideictic, particularly directed at external publics.  相似文献   

6.
The candidates for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2004 were united in attacking President George W. Bush. Their continued criticism, combined with news stories about such topics as the failure to find weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and job losses in the United States, steadily eroded the president's image. On February 8, 2004, President Bush appeared on Meet the Press to repair his reputation, exemplifying the problem of how an incumbent president can reply to such attacks while in the midst of a campaign for re-election. This essay applies the theory of image repair to this discourse to critically analyze and evaluate Bush's attempt to repair his image. Bush responded to two key accusations: justification for the war in Iraq and concerns about the economy (including jobs and the deficit). He tried to frame himself as a “war president” (transcendence) who should be evaluated on those grounds but failed to make this the most important problem for most voters. He employed denial, but the support for denials was often weak. He also relied heavily on defeasibility. However, Bush's use of the strategy of defeasibility raises doubts about whether he will be able to solve problems in a second term. Thus, President Bush's image repair effort was largely ineffectual.  相似文献   

7.
Sport was among the many cultural resources that George W. Bush used to justify rhetorically the need for war in Iraq. Specifically, he sought to capitalize on the unexpected success of the Iraqi national soccer team during the 2004 Summer Olympics. The Bush campaign produced a commercial that aired during the two weeks of Olympic coverage, in which Bush was credited with spreading freedom and democracy throughout the world. Simultaneously, the president claimed that Iraq's participation in the Games was possible only because of American-led action that had toppled Saddam Hussein. Rather than accept this narrative, many Iraqi athletes and citizens responded with anger and resentment towards the United States. This analysis demonstrates the extent to which sport metaphors are implicated in the contests over democracy. Moreover, it suggests that critics must engage the discourses of sport as they articulate with politics in an effort to recover the democratic potential of each.  相似文献   

8.
本文在分析竞争情报作战室概念产生的来源、演化过程及原因的基础上,对企业竞争情报作战室的概念及本质进行探讨,并对竞争情报作战室与竞争情报工作、竞争情报人员、竞争情报部门以及项目管理中的作战室等相关概念进行了辨析。  相似文献   

9.
ABSTRACT

Based on a keynote address to the 2018 International Society for First World War Studies conference, the author’s survey of a centenary of archival endeavour comprises four time periods and two themes. It highlights the unique role of the Australian War Memorial and its initial documentation priorities favouring Dr C.E.W. Bean’s official war history, the battlefront and the war dead. A post-centenary open-ended aftermath is also discussed covering processing backlogs, the prospective idea of ‘digital breakthrough’ and the archival implications of ever-widening understandings of the war and its endless aftermaths. The paper ends with an appeal for new voices in researching the documentation of Australia’s Great War experience.  相似文献   

10.
伊拉克战争期间,我国分析美国传媒关于战争报道的文章很多,几乎所有文章都在努力证明美国传媒如何没有新闻自由。现在冷静下来查看当时的战争报道,实际情况与我们的简单判断差距甚远。本文从总体上统计分析了美国传媒战争报道倾向,认为新闻理念和职业伦理在其中起了很大作用,主要反映在传媒与公权力关系、平衡报道以及消息和言论分离三个方面。  相似文献   

11.
This essay examines how the film Black Hawk Down functions rhetorically to reconstruct the legitimacy of political and military institutions and policy, and the possibilities for efficacious, responsible citizen agency within the post-September 11, 2001 context of increasingly unconventional warfare. Black Hawk Down reconstitutes popular perceptions of war and the appropriate response of citizens to it. It continues a pattern of contemporary war films established by Saving Private Ryan in 1998, reducing the patriotic purpose of war to surviving and protecting one's fellow soldiers. This pattern is developed through a hyperreal spectacle of war that both encourages audiences to empathize with the dominant “pro-soldier” message and discourages critical public discourse concerning justifications for and execution of military intervention policy.  相似文献   

12.
美军在伊拉克的虐囚丑闻,受到了美国国内媒体的密切关注。本文通过 对《国际先驱论坛报》相关报道的分析,探求美国媒体对该事件的主要报道框架。从中 发现,美国媒体一方面严厉批评政府的管理混乱,显示出其监督政府的强大力量;另一 方面,这种指责又仅仅停留在对政府具体政策的批评层面上,并未触及美国基本价值观 乃至制度,显示出其新闻自由的局促性。  相似文献   

13.
National news media represent mothers of US combat soldiers in the Iraq War as archetypal good mothers, that is, mothers who continue their maternal work even after their children are deployed. However, not all mothers are depicted as the archetypal patriotic mother, i.e., a good mother who is also stoic and silent about the war and her child's role in it. Mothers of soldiers are portrayed as good mothers who sometimes also voice their attitudes about the war effort. The maternal attitudes ranged from complete support for the war to opposition to the war but support for the soldiers. The findings suggest a picture of wartime motherhood that is more nuanced than the historical image of the patriotic mother suggests.  相似文献   

14.
王鑫宏 《兰台世界》2020,(1):133-135,139
洛阳在抗日战争中具有重要战略地位,是战争双方争夺的主要目标,呈现出以军事地位为主导的战略性城市特征。一方面,洛阳因服务于抗战需要,城市发展出现阶段性增长;另一方面,由于战争对城市的破坏,洛阳不可遏制地最终衰败。  相似文献   

15.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(2):265-278
The press of World Wars I and II depicted patriotic mothers as Spartan-like in their support of the nation's war effort. During the Vietnam War, another maternal image emerged to share cultural space with the Spartan mother, that of the goddess Thetis who objected to her son's participation in the Trojan War. This alternative maternal symbol more closely resembles the archetypal image of the peacetime good mother, who cares for her children and resists sending them into harm's way. This study documents coverage of maternal opposition to the Vietnam War against the backdrop of coverage of US mothers of soldiers in the earlier world wars. The comparison suggests that the Great Father's failure to control the press and promote the war to US citizens provided an opportunity for Thetis' rising.  相似文献   

16.
This paper examines mediated discourse around the deaths of two prominent journalists who died in the Iraq war in 2003: NBC reporter David Bloom and Washington Post columnist Michael Kelly. Their deaths are interpreted by journalists though narratives related to bravery, volunteerism, sacrifice, and witnessing. A discursive construct, labeled the “KIA journalist,” develops that situates the death of the war reporter within broader tropes connected to the normative journalistic role. Ultimately, Kelly and Bloom are placed in a framework that strives to increase journalism's cultural authority by positioning journalists as representations of the collective good.  相似文献   

17.
More than ever, entertainment industries work in concert with the US armed forces in the rhetorical production of militarism. This is especially the case in sport, where leagues such as the National Football League routinely make war imagery and military personnel a focal point of football culture. One such iteration of this relationship is the “Pro Football and the American Spirit” exhibit that is part of the Pro Football Hall of Fame. Understood as an example of public memory, this exhibit reveals sport's capacity to normalize war and reduce the available models of citizenship in the United States.  相似文献   

18.
This essay provides readers with a critical analysis of some of journalistic parrhesiastic framings of the Haditha “incident.” On November 19, 2005, a squad of Marines killed some 24 Iraqis in a town in the Anbar region in Iraq, and for several months many members of the press tried to compare this incident to the My Lai Massacre. The essay highlights some of the parrhesiastic strategies that were used by Tim McGirk and other critics of the Bush administration who tried to argue that Haditha may have truthfully been a revengeful “massacre” that was perpetrated by enraged Marines. These critics may have hoped that the work by Tim McGirk of Time Magazine would signal the beginning of the end of this Iraqi war, but the author argues that Haditha was recontextualized and domesticated as either lawfare or as a counterinsurgency narrative.  相似文献   

19.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(4):380-394
Among “corporate rhetors,” none has been regarded as more creative and aggressive than Mobil Oil. This essay examines Mobil's use of “Observations"—half‐page Sunday newspaper magazine section ads—during the years of 1976–1980. The first focus is upon “Observations” as epideictic discourse developed in response to Mobil's 1975 rhetorical situation. Attention is then turned to examples of the discourse itself and a summary of 149 “Observations.” Following the analysis are treatments of the identificational strategies used by Mobil and the Promethean myth which gives those strategies universal appeal. Finally, Mobil's “epideictic advocacy” is evaluated by the standards of effect, ethics, and art. Through “Observations” Mobil intends to be—like the Sunday newspaper—a part of America's afternoon.  相似文献   

20.
《三国演义》是一部描写战争的长篇历史小说。战争与人性关系紧密。战争爆发的原因最后要归属于人性。人性的多样性和丰富性在战争中显露无遗。因此之故,站在人性的角度来阅读和品味战争题材的《三国演义》自然地成为一个非常好的切入点。战争会使人之为人的本性扭曲和异化,作为集权术、心术、诡辩术、阴谋术、心计、鬼计之“大全”的《三国演义》将此淋漓尽致地表现出来。什么样的人性应该唾弃,什么样的人性需要弘扬,这是我们阅读任何堪称经典名著时所要最后落实的地方,《三国演义》亦应作如是观。  相似文献   

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