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1.
《中国科技信息》2013,(15):18-19
"在硅谷,软件公司的技术主管和实验室主任中有35%是华人。甚至有研究认为,仅在美国太空、军事等敏感部门工作的华人专家就有2万多人。"中国与全球化研究中心主任王辉耀对本刊记者说。中央人才工作协调小组办公室负责人此前接受本刊记者采访时表示,虽然我国已从  相似文献   

2.
华侨华人对中国的经济发展与社会进步、国际地位的提高和国家形象的改善起到了一定的推动作用.从经济层面看,印尼华侨华人对中国软实力的提升主要体现在社会资本、投资能力、商战经验、商业伦理等方面.  相似文献   

3.
社群网络:硅谷创新的青春泉   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
硅谷一般是指起始于加利福尼亚州旧金山南部 35里 ,穿越圣何塞的地方。它约占地1 50 0平方公里 ,人口 2 30万 ,可容纳 1 2 0多万个工作岗位 ,事实上 ,今天的硅谷早已超出了这一区域。这里的居民大约有 1 / 4出生在国外。自 1 992年以来 ,这一地区已经增加了 2 0多万个工作岗位 ,仅在 1 997年大约就增加了 5 .3万个岗位。硅谷雇员的平均年薪是 4 .6万美元 ,相比较 ,整个美国的平均年薪是 2 .9万美元。 1 997年 ,流入硅谷的风险投资总计达 2 7亿美元 ,占整个美国总投资的 2 1 % ;同时大约有 3575家新公司在硅谷创立。硅谷经济为一系列不断出现…  相似文献   

4.
陈倩倩  王博 《百科知识》2021,(12):64-66
中泰两国自建交以来,两国关系越来越紧密,即使在全球贸易都受到新冠疫情影响而大幅度萎缩的境况下,中泰两国的贸易额依然稳步增长.中泰两国在贸易、文化以及教育方面的密切交往,意味着对华文教育需求的不断提升.纵观泰国华文教育的发展历程,可以说,泰国华文教育的发展史就是泰国华侨华人的斗争史和奋斗史.华文教育发展的每一个阶段和历程,都离不开华人群体的坚持.本文将深入讨论在新的历史时期,该如何发挥华侨华人群体的力量,改变华文教育发展困境,提升华文教育发展质量.  相似文献   

5.
根据硅谷科技产业与高速奔驰车子特征上的相似性,提出"车子框架"的概念.同时以这一框架为基础,对硅谷科技产业的发展历程展开了系统而深入的剖析,最终提炼出硅谷成功的关键要素.  相似文献   

6.
硅谷能否模仿?硅谷从法律服务业的特征出发,在介绍了硅谷律师承担的多种角色基础上,讨论了硅谷发展的内在机制,指出了硅谷律师业的特点是来源于其初始法律条件,因此,硅谷的法律服务业发展呈现出路径依赖的特点、这使得模仿硅谷的努力变得很困难。  相似文献   

7.
要么留守国外,要么回国,这已经成了大多数留学人员学成之后的必然选择.硅谷的成功模式在过去若干年中吸引了大量的来自世界各地的优秀的人才,也留守了不少是来自中国的留学生.经过多年的磨砺与修炼,他们其中的一部分佼佼者已经成为硅谷公司的骨干甚至创办并发展了自己的公司.  相似文献   

8.
美国的<圣荷西水星报>目前公布了2003年硅谷高阶主管的年薪调查,其中苹果计算机创办人兼执行长贾布斯以7475万美元名列第一.此外有三位华裔科技高级主管上榜,其中应用材料执行副总裁王宁国的收入为华人之冠.  相似文献   

9.
方芳 《科技广场》2010,(4):90-93
软实力是区域经济发展的驱动力,也是衡量一个区域经济社会发展的人文环境指标.目前对区域软实力的构成要素中,区域文化是区域软实力的首要资源,"公共服务"是区域软实力的主要保障,人力素质则是将软实力转换为经济发展的主要载体.根据这三点要素,文章从提高政府公信力、凸现特色文化、利用资源禀赋和提升区域形象四个角度,提出构建鄱阳湖生态经济区软实力的建议.  相似文献   

10.
斯坦福大学创业教育体系和特点的研究   总被引:18,自引:0,他引:18  
在硅谷的发展历史中,斯坦福大学发挥了特别重要的作用,被誉为硅谷的“心脏”。基于对斯坦福大学创业教育的实地深入考察,从其发展背景、具体课程和非课程教育等方面分析了斯坦福大学的创业教育体系,并就其特点进行了具体分析和总结。斯坦福大学良好的创业教育,强化了其师生的创业精神,培养了一大批具有创业技能的创业企业家,这是硅谷能够可持续发展的重要基础之一。  相似文献   

11.
网络资本:硅谷群发展的核心能力   总被引:6,自引:2,他引:6  
硅谷创造了高科技发展的奇迹 ,人们从不同的角度做出了各种理论解释 ,本文试图利用网络资本理论分析硅谷的发展进程 ,并构建了聚集创新网络模型。指出硅谷的成功在于建立了良好的产业网络体系 ,网络资本是硅谷的核心能力 ,网络资本管理是硅谷群成功的关键。政府宏观经济政策和管理是高技术园区发展成功的重要条件  相似文献   

12.
What are the respective roles of indigenous and exogenous factors in the development of high-tech regions? Entrepreneurs and their start-ups have dominated Silicon Valley's economy in recent decades, but a different dynamic was at work from 1940 to 1965, when the Valley emerged as a formidable high-tech region. In key industries (electronics, semiconductors, computers, and aerospace) that defined Silicon Valley as a high-tech cluster during that period, companies based elsewhere played critical roles in planting the organizations that would - through the innovations they made, the technical talent they attracted, and the start-ups they spun off - help make the Valley the world's most admired and emulated high-tech region.  相似文献   

13.
鲁兴启  王琴 《科学学研究》2003,21(Z1):128-131
本文以美国硅谷作为高新技术产业开发区的一个范例,探讨了高新技术产业开发区产业簇群发展的条件。并结合我国的情况,指出了高新技术产业开发区内产业簇群发展中存在的问题,提出了相应的对策建议。  相似文献   

14.
There has been considerable media coverage highlighting the lack of gender diversity in Silicon Valley, stressing the relatively low participation of women in the high-tech economy. Austin offers a unique case for testing whether similar gender issues characterized other high-tech regions because the city has historically benefited from the expansion of Silicon Valley’s large high-tech firms since the 1980s. The gender-biased business practices identified in Silicon Valley firms may have been transferred to their branch plants in Austin. Our analysis shows women’s losses in middle-skill occupation employment shares were concentrated in the low-tech industry and were partially offset by job share gains in high-skill occupations in the same sector between 1980 and 2015. Men’s losses in middle-skill occupation job share were also mainly concentrated in the low-tech sector but were partially offset by employment share gains in high-skill occupations only in the high-tech industry during this period. Women made large gains in relative real median wages only in high-skill occupations in the high-tech industry while their relative real median wages in other skill occupations and in the low-tech industry stagnated around zero during this period. Men’s gains in relative median wages were also concentrated only in the high-tech industry but were less than half of women’s and were negative (between ?10 and ?21 percent) in other occupations in the high-tech industry and across all occupations in the low-tech industry. As noted in previous studies, the impact of job polarization is not well understood across sectors and gender. This study finds the high-tech industry in Austin has had unintended consequences in terms of job polarization across gender, providing relatively fewer job opportunities in high-skill occupations to women than men but offering much higher gains in relative real median wages to women than men. Males also found relatively more job opportunities in high-skill occupations in the high-tech industry than women but experienced only half of women’s gains in relative median wages in this industry between 1980 and 2015.  相似文献   

15.
硅谷与128公路--美国高科技园区发展模式借鉴与启示   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
斯坦佛工业园区的建立,是现代意义上硅谷的开始;工业研究园的建立,是128公路的发端;二者都经历了四个发展阶段;一定的计划性、与研究性大学为邻、风险投资、气候与生活质量是硅谷与128公路的共同点,但二者在企业集群、社会结构、区域文化、产业体系与企业组织结构等方面存在巨大的差异并导致了不同的结果。我国高科技园区的发展可以从中得到一些有益的借鉴和启示。  相似文献   

16.
《普罗米修斯》2012,30(4):377-393

Silicon Valley in Southern California has, over the past 30 years, become a model for high technology development in many parts of the world. Associated with Silicon Valley is a common rhetoric and mythology that explains the origins of this area of high technology agglomeration and indeed the business and entrepreneurial attributes needed for success. Governments in many parts of the world (including Southeast Asia and Australia) have tried to emulate this growth through various industry and regional development mechanisms, in particular, the science or technology park. More recently, promoting developments in information technology has come to be seen as an integral feature of these parks' activities. In this paper, we argue that the modeling process used by governments to promote Silicon Valley-like regional development has tended to model the wrong things about Silicon Valley. The models have tended to be mechanical and have failed to reflect the nature of information and information industries. While we have not sought to develop a model for Silicon Valley in this paper,we address a number of issues that require attention on the part of anyone serious about this project. After discussing problems with previous attempts to model Silicon Valley and problems associated with the activity of modeling itself, we move to consider four issues that must be addressed in any real attempt to model Silicon Valley in Southeast Asia. The first is the role of the state and the problems that state involvement may create. The second concerns the contribution that universities can make to the project. The third is the role of firms, particularly Chinese firms. The fourth is the cultural context within which the 'model' will sit. Since technology parks are seen as a popular way of promoting high technology development by governments, the revised history suggested in this paper provides fresh thinking about modeling Silicon Valley in the Southeast Asian region.  相似文献   

17.
硅谷被公认为是创新和增长的代名词,也是全球重要的颠覆性创新中心之一,苹果、英特尔、谷歌等硅谷企业更是行业翘楚。如何解释硅谷能够持续性产生颠覆性创新这一现象?结合现实需求和研究缺口,试图运用案例研究方法来破解硅谷企业通过创新生态系统持续实现颠覆性创新的密码。首先回顾了硅谷的起源,并描绘了硅谷由企业牵引的创新演进轨迹。其次,归纳了近20年来硅谷企业的代表性颠覆性创新的基本特征,并提炼了影响这些颠覆性创新的共性要素。研究结果表明:(1)构建新颖且强大的企业创新生态系统,是推动硅谷企业从“后发者”到“颠覆者”的关键路径;(2)嵌入平台化思维和模块化逻辑,是提升硅谷企业创新生态系统独特性的重要机制。文章最后给出了研究结论并凝练了若干管理启示,可为当前积极探索颠覆性创新的我国企业提供参考。  相似文献   

18.
为了推动集成创新在我国的普及,推动集成创新理论向更高的方向迈进,在建立企业集成创新能力的基本评价模型的基础上,结合硅谷和剑桥的案例,分析对比了两个高新技术园区的优势和劣势。  相似文献   

19.
唐更华 《软科学》2001,15(2):89-92
硅谷高技术产业成功的根源既不能单纯地归结为技术创新,亦不能单纯地归纳为制度创新,而应归结为高技术与创新制度的完美结合。硅谷的技术优势已被广泛认同,本文着重从生产结构、企业内部组织制度和“产学关系”三个角度概括硅谷的主要制度优势。硅谷模式对我们的重要启示是:深化经济体制改革、创新企业内部组织制度、培育风险资本市场是推动我国高技术产业健康、快速发展的最为紧迫的任务。  相似文献   

20.
知识溢出与高新区科技人力资源流动研究   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
以高新区科技人力资源流动为研究对象,结合区域知识溢出理论,探讨高新区内部科技人力资源流动机制。同时,依据硅谷计算机科技人力资源流动模型,对高新区科技人力资源流动进行分析,提出基于知识溢出的高新区科技人力资源流动对策,为高新区发展提供借鉴。  相似文献   

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