共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Charles E. Morris Iii 《Quarterly Journal of Speech》2013,99(3):264-290
Despite unfolding as it did during the sexual revolution of the 1920s, Leopold and Loeb's “trial of the century” elicited a deluge of constitutive discourse that struggled against overt articulation and circulation of the boys’ queerness. In this essay, I argue that those discourses—dominant reportage, in camera courtroom conferences, and Clarence Darrow's famous summation—manifested what I label “passing by proxy,” a collusive and convulsive act of straight closeting that speaks queer sexuality despite concerted effort to silence it. 相似文献
2.
Denise M. Bostdorff 《Quarterly Journal of Speech》2013,99(4):293-319
The appeal of Bush's post-September 11 discourse lies in its similarities with the Puritan rhetoric of covenant renewal by which ministers brought second- and third-generation Puritans into the church. Through this epideictic discourse, Bush implored younger Americans to uphold the national covenant of their “elders,” the World War II generation, through support of the war on terrorism, and he revitalized the faith of the older generation. Bush's covenant renewal rhetoric in the context of September 11 inaugurated him into the presidency. It also explains his predilection for unilateral and/or pre-emptive action and his call for acts of local community service. 相似文献
3.
1894至1895年的甲午战争中,清朝北洋海军在丰岛、黄海及威海卫三次海战中均告失败,并最终导致北洋舰队覆灭。考察清王朝甲午海战失败原因,可以发现日本侵略者在战备与作战方面与孙子诸多军事原则相一致,主要表现在情报上做到"知彼知己",战备充分而达成"先胜而后求战",战法上擅用"诡道""奇正",而清王朝则因情报无能、战备不力、战略战术僵化等方面原因导致失败。当前,学习研究《孙子兵法》对我国建设强大的人民海军、创新发展海战战法具有极强的理论和现实意义。 相似文献
4.
Michael Paul Vicaro 《Quarterly Journal of Speech》2016,102(4):333-352
This essay examines a set of memoranda, speeches, and other official discourse issued during the Global War on Terrorism that transformed the legal paradigm under which the enemy was defined and authorized new norms of conduct previously prohibited by law. It argues that these texts employ “deconstitutive rhetoric,” defined as discursive action that undermines the existing legal status of those to whom it refers and produces a disarticulate, destitute subject by denying the individual access to the civic forums in which rhetorical agency may be exercised. The essay begins with an analysis of the use of deconstitutive rhetoric in the decision to legally re-define Afghanistan as a “failed state” in order to absolve the United States of treaty obligations with that nation. It then addresses the emergence of “unlawful enemy combatant status,” a new legal category not recognized under the international laws of war. The essay concludes with a discussion the Obama administration’s detention and drone strike policies, which have continued to use deconstitutive rhetoric to undermine the legal status of those captured and killed in the Global War on Terrorism. 相似文献
5.
Despite calls for a more nuanced approach to issues of gender and equity that recognizes how broader relations of gender and power continue to produce injustices for many females, essentialized accounts expressing concern about boys’ poor educational performance remain the most common refrain in dominant equity discourses across Western contexts. This common refrain characteristic of current large scale gender reforms, such as Australia's parliamentary inquiry into the education of boys, Boys: Getting it right, is driven by a standards rather than social justice focus and thus creates silences around issues of gender injustice, power, and constructions of hegemonic masculinity. In this paper, I present “Sally's” story as a disruption of these silences. Sally is a young English teacher at “Penfolds College”, an all boys Catholic school in a large urban centre in Queensland (Australia). Her story, in illustrating how particular boys draw on broader discourses of masculinity to sexually harass and intimidate her, highlights the inadequacies of dominant public and policy discourse in terms of its failure to locate boys’ educational issues within broader contexts of inequitable gender relations. 相似文献
6.
《孙子兵法》提出的"上兵伐谋、其次伐交、其次伐兵"的战略思想自古以来就得到人们的赞许,"伐谋""伐交"是实现"不战而屈人之兵"的条件和途径,而"伐兵"则是实现这一最高战略的保证。近年来,南海问题不断升级,作为中国"核心利益"的南海问题的和平解决将对中国的和平发展产生深远影响。以孙子的"三伐"战略为视角探讨我国南海战略,以"上兵伐谋以争全胜"作为解决南海问题的最佳指导思想,处理好中美间的战略博弈;借鉴孙子"伐交"思想,做好南海问题上的外交斗争;做好"伐兵"的准备,全力维护我国在南海的领土主权。通过"三伐"并起,既宣示我国重视和平的良好意愿,又要宣示我国具有通过"伐兵"来维护国家主权的坚定意志,从而真正有效地遏制战争,维护我国南海的领土和主权。 相似文献
7.
《孙子兵法》与《战争论》被誉为东西方军事史上的两颗明珠。《战争论》以其"绝对战争"理论曾长期引领西方乃至世界的军事学,但在第二次世界大战后,特别是当"绝对战争"遇到"绝对武器"(核武器),敌我双方都拥有相互确保摧毁能力的情况下,人类将面临同归于尽的选择之时,孙子的"全胜"战略追求便成为战争问题上的济世良方。克劳塞维茨的理想战略是"百战百胜",属于军事层面的制胜观;而孙子追求的则是"不战而屈人之兵"的全胜战略,是大战略层面的价值观。两者最根本的区别是哲学上的区别,道胜是《孙子兵法》的哲学,器胜是《战争论》的哲学。 相似文献
8.
借鉴和运用孙子战略思想,加强南海维权舆论斗争,以"上兵伐谋"思想为指导,加强舆论斗争的战略谋划;以"致人而不致于人"思想为指导,掌握舆论斗争的主动权;以"因利制权"思想为指导,灵活运用舆论斗争策略。 相似文献
9.
Ian Grosvenor Gyöngyvér Pataki 《Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education》2017,53(3):246-267
AbstractIn Radical Education and the Common School (2011), Michael Field and Peter Moss argue for a radical alternative to the failed and dysfunctional contemporary discourse about education and the school with its focus on markets, competition, instrumentality, standardisation, and managerialism. They argue that it is necessary, if we are to progress “social alternatives” in education, to construct micro-histories of schools that have developed as “real utopias” through radically revising their practice. They call these micro-histories “critical case studies of possibilities”. In To Hell with Culture (1963), the art educator and anarchist Herbert Read returned to a theme he had been exploring since the early 1930s – the purpose of education. For him, “education” implied many things, but he saw modern practice as “socially disintegrating”. Instead, Read offered an alternative to the dominant discourse about education under capitalism in the 1960s which would create “that collective consciousness which is the spiritual energy of a people and the only source of its art and culture”. To what extent was Read’s conception of education an ideal, a dream unfulfilled? Following Fielding and Moss this paper will seek to trace “critical case studies of possibilities” drawn from the past which reflect the fundamental connection identified by Read between school learning, “collective consciousness”, art, and culture. 相似文献
10.
《孙子兵法》不仅仅是一部讲"战"的经典,它更是一部讲如何"争"的经典,具体来说,"先谋"是争之前提,"全胜"是争之理想,"易胜"是争之手段,慎战之争体现了孙子的战争观,即以最小的损失来获取最大的利益,而这一观念源于孙子"唯人是保,而利合于主"的原则。"唯人是保"的思想显示了对于生命的关注,对于人民的重视,为今天倡导以人为本的社会主义核心价值观提供了理论支持,对于今天处理人民内部矛盾、贯彻以人为本的理念、构建和谐社会都有积极的借鉴意义。 相似文献
11.
Dana L. Cloud 《Quarterly Journal of Speech》2013,99(3):285-306
This article explores the role of widely circulated images of Afghan people in building public support for the 2001–2002 U.S. war with Afghanistan. Emphasizing images of women, I argue that these representations participate in the more general category of “the clash of civilizations,” which constitutes a verbal and a visual ideograph linked to the idea of the “white man's burden.” Through the construction of binary oppositions of self and Other, the evocation of a paternalistic stance toward the women of Afghanistan, and the figuration of modernity as liberation, these images participate in a set of justifications for war that contradicts the actual motives for the war. These contradictions have a number of implications for democratic deliberation and public life during wartime. 相似文献
12.
As educators who teach courses that examine social power, we often struggle with a specific form of resistance in the equity-oriented classroom: “That's just [the author]'s opinion.” This “opinion discourse” emerges when students study scholarship that unsettles dominant knowledge claims and methods or when students are themselves asked to situate their knowledge. The opinion discourse could easily be read as simply an example of the lack of critical thinking skills among students. However, we believe that opinion discourse is more than a facile response to new ideas. We want to take opinion discourse seriously. We argue that opinion functions as a discursive project of resistance in the context of the equity-oriented classroom by solidifying inequitable power relations between the knower and that which is known. Our goals are twofold: to explicate how the opinion discourse functions as a specific legitimization of existing power relations and to unsettle the discursive authority that opinion offers. 相似文献
13.
《孙子兵法》中的策略思想对于我国维护东海权益和稳定具有重要价值。借鉴"伐谋""伐交"思想,在东海维权维稳中既要使用政治和外交手段进行预防性处置,又要恰当使用军事力量;"奇""正"思想的启迪是,不仅要开展针锋相对的正面斗争,而且要出其不意,陷对方于被动;"先胜"和"必胜"的告诫是抓紧全方位军事斗争准备,打则必胜;"因敌、因势"思想的启发则是知己知彼,运用多种方法、手段灵活应对,打"组合拳"。 相似文献
14.
进入21世纪,我国的海洋时代悄然来临。与此同时,我国周边海域的领土主权与海洋权益争端频发,海洋安全形势严峻,海洋安全问题已上升为无法回避的战略问题。在坚持和平发展战略方针的基础上,如何更好地维护国家海洋安全,为我国和地区发展积极创造良好的安全环境,孙子的"先胜"思想在这方面提供了重要的战略指导:"先胜"强调和平时期的国防和战争准备,"先胜"来源于"先为",即要做到"先知""先算""先备",在各方面做好充分的准备,确保国家的海洋安全和战略利益。 相似文献
15.
Galatzer‐Levy and Cohler's (1993) definition of “ self” allows for the possibility of a “ plural self,” that is, moments when an individual locates the center of initiative for action, feeling, and awareness among a group of people. Using observations and interviews, this investigation explores the ways four basketball teams used players’ bodies to create such a plural self, transforming autonomous individuals into interconnected, deindividualized members. One set of somatic practices made the team perceptible as a whole: huddles, team movements, hand slapping, and certain passing drills. A complementary set of practices encouraged the players to incorporate the team into their bodies. Examples presented of such incorporation are communal relaxation of bodily tension, the rhythms of shared ritual music, and a “sixth sense” of the location of teammates. Acute pain interferes with the emergence of this plural self in both injured and healthy players. The possibility is raised that for many athletes this temporarily realized plural self continues as a possible self and invites the development of certain virtues and failings. 相似文献
16.
This article discusses the nature, power and effects of neo-liberal rationale in educational settings. By introducing discourse analysis of two cases, the influence of neo-liberal ideology on contemporary curricula and school programs were examined. The analysis showed that dominant discourses based on neo-liberal rationale presented themselves as “unquestionable truths” that influenced how educators interacted with others and went about their profession. The dominant discourses relied upon assertions by consensus or common conception and understanding to create an “officially” sanctioned way of thinking about education. Proponents of a particular dominant discourse argued that such sanctions were a necessary feature of an initiative or innovation, and provided a focus for energy and activism, winning teachers’ support, and conveying to the wider community a sense of purpose, action and rational planning; a clear path to salvation. On the other hand, these dominant discourses had a necessary effect in obscuring other perspectives and disallowing critique from taking place. This article argues that discourse analysis provides a platform to interrogate the dominant discourses to reveal alternative or previously unseen perspectives. 相似文献
17.
In 1885, following a period of severe economic depression and social unrest in colonial Canada, state teachers in rural Perth County, Ontario met and formed the nucleus of what could clearly be described as a teachers' union. The idea spread quickly, and within six months the founding convention of a province‐wide union was held in Toronto. Understandably, state officials were not pleased, and worked assiduously over the ensuing months to counter this movement. Building on the already‐pervasive official discourse of individualized “professional responsibility”, these officials began hinting about the possibility of teachers being “blessed” with a state‐sanctioned “College of Preceptors” – a strategy that had previously been employed in England for a similar purpose. This article attempts to describe these events (and their sad outcomes), within the context of a review of the origins of state schooling systems, recent theory related to governmentality and individual (self‐)regulation, and recent schooling “reforms” being undertaken concomitant with the (continuing) globalization of neo‐liberal regimes of governance. 相似文献
18.
Annie G. Rogers 《International journal of qualitative studies in education》2013,26(3):245-251
In this paper I explore what it means to write as a woman by uncovering Marguerite Sechehaye's unclaimed contributions to psychoanalysis through a feminist reinterpretation of her writing. Analyzing two discrepant accounts of a treatment relationship, a first‐hand account written by Renee, a young woman who was Sechehaye's patient, and Sechehaye's own writing about this case, I interpret the shifting voices in these accounts and discover a method of “locating the feminine not‐said” [Showalter, 1985] in women's writing. This feminist understanding of Sechehaye's work involves entering women's stories, often informed and inflected by male perspectives, in order to uncover subtexts of resistance to and revision of a dominant view. I argue that the dilemma Sechehaye faced reflects a contradiction in the education of women: to learn a dominant discourse is necessary to gaining entry and voice within any of the professions, yet taking on a dominant discourse often means leaving one's knowledge as a woman largely unclaimed, obscuring a critical and original perspective. 相似文献
19.
Robbie Nicol 《Journal of Adventure Education & Outdoor Learning》2013,13(1):29-41
Abstract This paper sets out to discover if the history of outdoor education, within the UK and more particularly Scotland, provides its modern exponents with a legacy of prescribed conservatism or alternatively a form of education which embraces, or is capable of embracing, diversity of theory and practice. It begins in the post World War II period entitled “out of the ashes” and charts the history decade by decade. Secondary sources are used and include statutory instruments as well as the body of literature that relates to outdoor education. The paper has succeeded in adding to the literature through uncovering rarely used sources. Secondary sources have been supplemented by primary data in the form of interviews. The interviews were used to provide detail and fill gaps where secondary sources were lacking. The time between the post-war period until the end of the 1960s charts the growth of outdoor education provision. This growth is characterised by diversity where common themes such as “fitness for war”, “character building” “social education” “recuperative holiday for socially disadvantaged young people” and “progressive education” emerge as competing and contrasting claims. Consequently it can be stated that outdoor education defies definition in terms of being a fixed entity of common consent, homogeneous over time and space. 相似文献
20.
This paper draws together [Hochschild's (1979) Emotion Work, Feeling Rules and Social Structure.” American Journal of Sociology 85: 551–575; (1983) The Managed Heart: Commercialisation of Human Feeling. London: University of California Press] concepts of emotional labour and feeling rules with Ahmed's affective economies [(2004a) The Cultural Politics of Emotion. New York: Routledge; (2004b) “Affective Economies.” Social Text 22 (2): 117–139; (2008) “Sociable Happiness.” Emotion, Space and Society 1: 10–13; (2010) The Promise of Happiness. Durham: Duke University Press] and queer phenomenology [(2006a) Queer Phenomenology: Orientations, Objects, Others. London: Duke University Press; (2006b) “Orientations: Towards a Queer Phenomenology.” GLQ: A Journal of Gay and Lesbian Studies 12 (4): 543–574] as a way to address wider questions about sexuality and schooling. It highlights the value of the everyday politics of emotion for elucidating and clarifying the specificities, pertinence and complementarities of Hochschild's and Ahmed's work for reimagining the relationship between sexualities and schooling. The combination of their approaches allows for a focus on the individual, bodily management of emotions while demonstrating the connectedness of bodies and spaces. It enables disruption of ‘inclusive’ and ‘progressive’ educational approaches that leave heterosexuality uninterrupted and provides insight into how power works in and across the bodies, discourses, practices, relations and spaces of schools to maintain a collective orientation towards heterosexuality. It also counters linear narratives of progressive change, elucidating how change is a hopeful but messy process of simultaneous constraint, transgression and transformation. Key moments from a three-year study with lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBT-Q) teachers entering into civil partnerships in Ireland serve as exploratory examples of the theoretical ideas put forward in this paper. 相似文献