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1.
Gerald Grace 《International Studies in Sociology of Education》2013,23(1-2):25-42
ABSTRACT New Zealand's radical education reforms (1987‐1990) provide a valuable case study for the examination of the politics, ideology and process of educational change. This paper examines the strategy of New Right agencies in attacking the established education settlement which embodies principles of Welfare Labourism. The crucial role of the New Zealand Treasury and of other agencies in bringing this settlement to crisis in the 1980s is analysed and discussed as is the response of the Labour Government. Many of the elements of struggle between Welfare Labourism and New Right market doctrines in education show similar features to struggles in other contexts such as the United Kingdom. However, the struggle in New Zealand makes visible and explicit the political and ideological features in a distinctive way. It also makes visible the significance of both race relations and of gender relations in the formation of education policy. 相似文献
2.
Jack Demaine 《International Studies in Sociology of Education》2013,23(2):115-128
The British Labour Party has continued to make progress on education, following two broad policy paths and adopting a pragmatic approach that does not attempt to force these to cross or converge. One path is that of the quasi market inherited from the previous Conservative administration; the other is characterised as 'intervention' to support those for whom the market remains almost entirely irrelevant. Some observers regard this dual approach as 'opportunism' and Labour's education policy as a 'betrayal' of principle, by which is meant the principle of 'equal opportunity'. Of course, that principle provides equal opportunity to fail as much as to succeed. Rather than leaving education to the market, Labour has focused on the needs of those most likely to be failed by the principle of 'equal' opportunity in a quasi market. 相似文献
3.
Nigel Wright 《Journal of educational administration and history》2011,43(4):345-362
Barker argues that in England under New Labour, school leaders and teachers have been ‘bastardised’ and suggests that the situation in 2010, with a general election afforded an opportunity in education policy for the ‘pendulum to swing’. In this article, the key points about ‘bastard Leadership’ are briefly summarised. The article then develops a view of schools as sites of complexity and ‘wickedity’ as an alternative to the linear reductionist approaches of managerialists. These two perspectives present the extremes of a spectrum against which the trajectory of school leadership can be viewed as it emerges from the New Labour years and is now being developed by the Coalition Government. Evidence from ministerial speeches and the Coalition Government's flagship White Paper, The Importance of Teaching, are used to examine key issues of freedom and trust, reducing bureaucracy and increasing autonomy for schools as ways of exploring the extent to which the new government's policies on school leadership are, or are not, moving away from those of their New Labour predecessors. 相似文献
4.
Roger Dale 《比较教育学》2001,37(4):493-500
This article seeks to put forward one tentative basis on which comparative education might profit from an engagement with 'globalisation', and to circumvent the danger that that engagement will lead to a shift in purpose, from 'how to make education better' to 'how to make education do better'. It uses the example of the career of the New Zealand model of neo-liberalism and new public management to expose, from the perspective of how a 'localism' becomes globalised, something of the nature of the processes, discourses and mechanisms of globalisation and of the subjects who drive them. The article examines the local conditions that enabled the development and installation of the New Zealand model, the discursive and formal characteristics that made it desirable and possible for it to be incorporated at a global level, and the means through which this was done. It concludes by drawing some possible theoretical and methodological implications of the career of the New Zealand model for the relationship between comparative education and globalisation. 相似文献
5.
Pat Mahony Ian Hextall Ian Menter 《International Studies in Sociology of Education》2013,23(2):145-168
Drawing on the author's current ESRC-funded research (The Impact of Performance Threshold Assessment on Teachers' Work), this article focuses on a current policy initiative in England, namely, the establishment of a performance management regime in schools and, in particular the Threshold Assessment. They examine three aspects of these developments. First, the manner in which the policy was initially established and the current situation regarding its development and implementation. Next, drawing upon the research they are undertaking in schools, they consider what the process of Threshold Assessmenthas felt like for various actors within the school context. Finally, they place this particular initiative within a global setting by drawing upon interviews recently undertaken in Australia and connecting these discussions to more general debates around 'globalisation'.We have progressively established a kind of 'Macworld' capitalism, where product choices whether for hamburgers or computers are increasingly homogenized and standardized across all countries, and where systems and tastes are alike controlled and developed in a proprietary mode by large corporations … The scale of markets and competition has decisively escalated in some areas, screening out local solutions and corporations in favour of transnational companies, dominant brands and standardized solutions. Cultural barriers to product acceptance have crumbled even in areas where they once seemed insurmountable. (Dunleavy, 1994, p. 50) 相似文献
6.
Miriam E. David 《International Studies in Sociology of Education》2013,23(2):111-132
This article considers the relationships between children, parents and the state in the context of changing global, social and family structures and policy developments, providing a case study of New Labour policies in Britain. It first considers the changing ideological discourses about families, parents, especially lone mothers, children, 'home' and 'work'. Secondly, it reviews the evidence about the changing socio-economic context and for what has been termed the fragmenting family. Thirdly, it provides an analysis of the New Labour government's approach to education, welfare and family policies, including the national child care strategy and supporting families consultation document. It sets this analysis in the context of changing political discourses and from a feminist perspective, arguing that the policies are not 'joined up' but fragmented and diverse, deriving from a variety of sources and targeted on a number of different groups. Thus it is difficult to argue that there is but one modernisation project or 'third way' being espoused by New Labour. However, the underlying theme of all the policy developments is economic and oriented to work. This involves a rebalancing of home and work and the involvement of parents, especially mothers, in work rather than education or child care. The measures taken to achieve this have been both coercive and controlling and involve new methods of surveillance and regulation through standards. Whilst New Labour has developed a new direction for families in balancing home and work, this is fragmented and diverse and covers a variety of policies from education - early childhood through to lifelong learning - and social services, to fiscal measures, to health and welfare and finally involving the Home Office in new parenting initiatives. The balancing of home and work has become the central business of government in its various and diverse activities. 相似文献
7.
《Journal of Further & Higher Education》2012,36(3):323-335
Focus group research is becoming a seriously hot topic. As a research method, the focused group interview is well established in the social sciences, dating back to Robert Merton's pioneering investigation of audience reactions to government information films during the Second World War. More recently, though, focus groups have been largely associated with market research. Among their many reported achievements, famous and infamous, focus groups are credited with influencing the creation of New Labour, the 'rebranding' of the Royal Family following the death of Diana Spencer, even the invention of the Teletubbies (Ingle, 1997, p. 2; Gould, 1998; Harding, 1998, p. 1). Can such a versatile technique have any constructive role to play in researching such a slippery field as Lifelong Learning? Or have focus groups and Lifelong Learning both become too trendy and poorly-defined to be of any serious value? 相似文献
8.
Patrick Ainley 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(4):559-573
This paper examines the ‘Learning Society’ goal espoused by the new Labour government and inherited from preceding Conservative administrations. Section one notes the wide‐ranging consensus on this Learning Society target. Agreement reaches further than education and training (learning) policy to include other areas of policy associated with the proposed reform of the welfare state. Whether the social and administrative changes under previous Conservative governments ‐ changes that can be conceptualized in different ways the paper briefly indicates ‐ amount to the end of the welfare state is discussed in section two. The position of post‐compulsory or ‘lifelong’ learning in relation to compulsory or ‘foundation’ learning in the new ‘post‐welfare’ or Contracting State is then discussed in section three. Contradictions in New Labour's programme of modernizing lifelong learning are exposed. In conclusion, the question is posed how far a New Labour government will be prepared to reverse previous Conservative substitution of the market for representative democracy in the new type of Contracting State, or whether it will merely extend and further consolidate it. Throughout, evidence is presented, particularly from post‐compulsory education and training, to argue that the new government is bent upon pursuing the latter option. 相似文献
9.
Geoff Whitty 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(2):267-280
The December 2008 special issue of the Oxford Review of Education provided a review of education policy during Tony Blair’s tenure as Prime Minister. This paper forms a response to the ten contributions to that special issue and discusses some of the issues raised in them. While a few positive aspects of education under New Labour were identified in the special edition, it focused more on the failures of New Labour than its achievements. A common theme to emerge from the papers included the government’s pursuit of neo‐liberal market policies at the expense of its professed commitment to social justice. While accepting that the government’s failure to tackle the differences in educational outcomes between advantaged and disadvantaged pupils constitutes a major failing, the present author argues that significant achievements, such as early years provision, were neglected in the special issue. He also discusses the electoral considerations facing New Labour and the personal role of Tony Blair in determining policy. The paper goes on to consider whether New Labour’s education policy has changed since the departure of Blair and identifies some hints of a potentially more progressive approach developing under Brown. It concludes by suggesting that contributing towards a debate about alternatives to Blairite policies should now become a priority for the ‘educational establishment’. 相似文献
10.
邱询旻 《辽宁师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2002,25(4):19-23
在网络经济时代,企业的竞争力的一个重要表现是看其是否能够创造“主流化”经济。作创造性地把“主流化”从微观引申到宏观经济领域。对于政府与市场,作不是停留于政府是否干预经济的无休止争论上,而是从美国经济发展中,具体讲是通过罗斯福新政中建立麻梭浅滩水电工程及其经济社会效果,推导出一政府也应该创造和推进“主流化”经济。而且,适应世界经济发展和国际竞争的需要,作提出有必要从迅猛发展的信息网络中,从人才的聚合效应上,从制度均衡的效果上创造“主流化”经济,以促进国家经济的持续发展和竞争力的提升。 相似文献
11.
The concept of the 'knowledge economy' is increasingly used to underpin education policy in developed countries. In Australia, it has been applied to post-compulsory education policy, with efforts to increase retention in senior secondary education and reform of vocational education in the senior years. The article draws on two research projects with senior secondary schools. Many students (and their teachers and parents) perceived qualifications not so much as providing the knowledge considered necessary by government policy for the contemporary economy, but rather as a 'screen' used by employers to sort and select. Knowledge of opportunity structures and access to resources, while not only defined by social class, operated to create differential access to available choices in the educational market place. Despite ongoing inequality, the article argues that the hope many students expressed in relation to education can be fulfilled in practice. 相似文献
12.
KA-HO Mok 《Globalisation, Societies & Education》2003,1(2):201-221
Globalisation is a central concept in this paper but it is important to note that 'globalisation' is a highly contested term. Strong globalisation theory argues that the global economy is dominated by uncontrollable global forces in which nation states are structurally constrained and therefore the capacity of modern states eventually declines. Unlike strong globalists, other scholars believe even though there may be similar trends and patterns in public policy and public management domain along the line of privatisation, marketisation, commodification and corporatisation, different governments may use the similar strategies to serve their own political purposes. Hence, modern states may tactically make use of the globalisation discourse to justify their own political agendas or legitimise their inaction. The present paper sets out in this wider context to reflect upon globalisation effects on national policy, with particular reference to how the selected East Asian societies such as the four Tigers, Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea as well as mainland China have transformed their higher education systems. More specifically, this paper discusses the theme of 'similar trends, diverse agendas' by examining how the selected East Asian governments have reformed their higher education systems to cope with the growing impact of the global tide of marketisation and decentralisation. 相似文献
13.
Martin Thrupp 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(4):297-314
This article explores the ‘middle-class pressure thesis’, the extent to which recent education policy in England under New Labour may be shaped by the need to respond to an increasingly large and anxious middle class. It discusses why the intensification of middle-class pressure on education policy in England could be expected and outlines how New Labour's education policies can be seen as a response to that pressure. In the latter part of the article the case of New Zealand is used to ‘speak back’ to the middle-class pressure thesis in England. New Zealand highlights the potent influence of England's historic and recent class context on policy by demonstrating a setting where market policies have been embraced by policy makers but where class has played a less important role. The article suggests that although the means by which social class at the local level might act back on and help shape the direction of national education policy will be difficult to investigate, it would be a rewarding direction for future policy research related to social class. 相似文献
14.
南京国民政府执政时期,中国这个世界上最大的白银进口国爆发了严重的白银危机,由此导致中国经济陷入艰难的处境,中国的民族经济、币制金融和国际收支平衡遭受巨大的影响。从国际关系视角对白银危机进行深入探讨,可得出国际因素在白银危机的爆发和加剧中扮演了重要角色的结论。 相似文献
15.
《Journal of moral education》2012,41(3):355-365
This paper asks whether it would be better not to talk about morality in schools. The issue is raised through a consideration of changes in public discourse and especially in educational discourse, where categories such as ''personal, social and health education'' and ''citizenship education'' are more salient than ''moral education''. Drawing on John Wilson's arguments, the paper considers claims for the indispensability of the concept of morality. It is argued that such claims, in Wilson's own writings, are applied to both an ''individual'' and a ''social'' conception of morality. Contrary to Wilson, the paper argues that the ''wisest strategy'' for public education is to take the social conception of ''morality in the narrow sense'' as a central focus. 相似文献
16.
Christine Winter 《International Studies in Sociology of Education》2013,23(2):153-175
This article questions whether the teacher training standards, (Department for Education and Employment Circular 4/98) have made it more difficult for teacher educators to help student teachers to become critically reflective teachers. It is suggested that, following the introduction of the discourse of the three 'e's', efficiency, economy and effectiveness and the teacher training standards, teacher 'education' has been transformed into teacher 'training' within an ideology of technical rationality. Four classroom-based episodes are introduced to form the contexts through which the teacher education standards are interrogated. It is argued that these standards ignore important issues to do with equality in the classroom and the relationship between education and the state. Ideas are suggested for teaching sessions using the episodes to encourage the development of a critically reflective perspective amongst student teachers. 相似文献
17.
Lesley Anderson 《School Leadership & Management》2013,33(3):371-385
Within 15 months of New Labour being elected to Government in May 1997, a new framework for the organisation of schools in England and Wales was on the statute books. In September 1999 the legislation was implemented and three new categories of schools: foundation, voluntary and community, replaced all previous classifications. Thus, the opportunity for state schools to 'opt out' and become self-governing, grant maintained (GM) schools was abolished. Indeed, all schools, regardless of their category, are now required to have local education authority representatives on their governing bodies. This article reports on empirical research carried out between September 1997 and the end of 1998-the period when the new framework was being shaped. The research is concerned with GM schools' headteachers' and chairs of governors' views and interpretations about the future governance of their schools. 相似文献
18.
Gillian Forrester 《International Studies in Sociology of Education》2013,23(2):133-151
This article examines the relationship between primary teachers' professional autonomy and the increasing managerial control over teachers' work. It considers how the education policies of successive Conservative and New Labour administrations in Britain have tightened central control over education undermining teacher discretion and directly impacting upon the labour process of the professionals concerned. The research was undertaken in an English primary school and data gathered in a variety of contexts including observations of the teachers in classrooms and the staff room, a governors/parents meeting, informal conversations and a series of semi-structured interviews with staff. The study explores how teachers make sense of the managerial culture in education, and how this is reconciled with their ideas about teaching and learning, and their professional interests and individual career aspirations. Structuration theory (Giddens, 1976, 1979, 1984) is used as a theoretical framework to explore whether there is conflict between teachers' professionalism and the new managerialism and examine how primary teachers make sense of this inextricable relationship. 相似文献
19.
Michael Bottery 《Cambridge Journal of Education》2007,37(2):153-172
This paper investigates whether predictions about a greater centralization and control in educational policy‐making, made after New Labour's election to power in 1997, have been realized since that time, and particularly with respect to educational leadership. It also asks whether recent changes in New Labour policies are likely to provide greater freedom for head teachers in English schools. It does this by means of investigating evidence at global, national and school levels, and in particular draws upon recent interview research by the author with head teachers. The article suggests that whilst the architecture of central steerage and control is still very much in evidence, there are strands of greater policy flexibility, though these may be as much about empowering external sponsors as anything to do with greater professional discretion. However, the research suggests that, whatever happens, there will almost certainly be room for resistance and personal manoeuvre at the school level, which is ultimately dependent upon context and personality. 相似文献
20.
《Journal of Further & Higher Education》2012,36(2):195-213
This paper offers the results of a single university department (Sociology) where the entire undergraduate body was broken down by entry-year based cohorts (1996-97, 1997-98 and 1998-99) and demographics ('sex', 'age at entry', and whether or not the student was first in family to attend university) using a questionnaire. Their attitudes towards the current financial predicaments of students were assessed. Results indicate that there are fewer mature students in the two more recent-year cohorts (possible reasons are discussed). Also, responses, where divisions occur, are largely age-group related, with the split being at the 'under 30'/'over 30' point (age groupings are discussed). Students over 30 being more cautious about debt and feeling that mature students need greater financial support. 相似文献