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1.
Anne Newman 《Educational theory》2012,62(1):7-23
Educational theorists frequently invoke rights claims to express their views about educational justice and authority. But the unyielding nature of rights claims presents a significant quandary in democratic contexts, given the tension between rights claims and majoritarian democracy. Educational theorists have given limited attention to this tension, while political theorists tend to sideline education in their analyses. In this essay Anne Newman addresses this gap by advancing a democratic rationale for educational rights. Newman's purpose is to provide a framework for advancing educational rights that protects these rights from the whims of majoritarian politics. Her central argument is that the importance of educational rights warrants giving democratic bodies far less deference than they are typically accorded. Yet the assertion of a right to a quality education, Newman emphasizes, should not be viewed as an undue constraint on democratic authority but rather is consistent with and required by the values that underlie democracy. 相似文献
2.
历史上各种思潮不断赋予师生关系新的内涵。广为大家所倡导的教育民主化又给予师生关系以民主的内核,与此同时,教师的权威式微。在构建新型的师生关系时应厘清民主与权威的关系,重视教师合法权威。 相似文献
3.
Jo-Anne Dillabough 《Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education》2005,26(2):127-148
In this article I explore the part played by liberal democratic ideology in the regulation of female work, in particular, the work of women teacher educators and contract researchers in British and Canadian teacher education departments. My goal is to examine the relationship between symbolic notions of female domesticity and service as they have been expressed in liberal understandings of the nation state across time, together with accounts of contemporary working life as described by differently positioned women workers in teacher education. Central to the argument I make is the assertion that women's work and its symbolic representation in teacher education constitute powerful symbolic elements in the ongoing regulation of women as non-citizens. In following the work of feminist political theorists and cultural sociologists, I also examine the cultural, material, and social power of historicized visions of the female as “domestic servant”, as daughter of the nation state, and as “deviant non-citizen” as they are reflected in the contemporary working lives of women teacher educators. 相似文献
4.
《师资教育杂志》2012,38(1):81-82
Abstract To different degrees, Western industrial societies are both democratic and capitalist. In some respects, the tenets of democracy and the functional needs of capitalism are at odds. The state must try to manage the tensions between the two, particularly through its education policy, including that for teacher education. This paper analyses how teacher education policy since 1980 has been influenced by these tensions. It argues that current policy in teacher education is vulnerable to the objection that it is not democratic, but cautions that those calling for a more democratic basis for teacher education might be equally vulnerable to the objection that they focus too much on the democratic ends of education rather than on the technicalities of teaching. The analysis refers mainly to Britain and the United States. 相似文献
5.
Pascal Gielen 《The International Journal of Art & Design Education》2017,36(2):134-140
How can we understand the relationship between art, education and democracy in the contemporary Western political condition? The recent presidential elections in the USA showed that the classical model of liberal representative democracy is shaking on its foundations. The question is how can artists and education respond to this political condition? In this article it is argued that art has a special quality to address political, and especially democratic, issues. It can strengthen education in its lessons in democracy and citizenship. Art has a special quality to walk on an alternative path of democracy, namely that of the civil domain. In the civil sphere artistic qualities and skills of designing and of imagination can play a crucial role. 相似文献
6.
Equity,democracy, and neoliberal assaults on teacher education 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
Although in the long run, neoliberalism has a track record of undermining equity and democracy, in the short run it has directed attention to education needs that have been inadequately addressed. This article sketches what teacher education in the US can do to advance equity and democracy in five areas: recruitment and admission, early fieldwork, professional coursework, student teaching, and on-going professional development. The article then examines three neoliberal pressures teacher education: (1) away from explicit equity-oriented teacher preparation, and toward preparing teachers as technicians; (2) away from defining teacher quality in terms of professional knowledge, and toward defining it terms testable content knowledge; and (3) toward shortening university-based teacher education or by-passing it altogether. It concludes by emphasizing the importance of collaborating with underserved communities as a way of pushing back against neoliberalism. 相似文献
7.
惩戒权是教师在教育过程中依法拥有对学生的错误行为进行否定性制裁,以免失范行为再次发生的一种权力,其目的在于更好地进行教学管理、维护教师权威。迄今为止,"教师惩戒权"从法律概念到适用原则、范围、方式以及法律监督及救济机制等都缺失法规层面的明确与支持,以至于造成诸如惩戒失范、惩戒性侵权等诸多问题。教师惩戒权的入法能够在根源上疏解其在教学管理活动中的践行困境,因此需要从概念入手厘定其与相似概念的基本边界,从传统和现代两种教育理念的碰撞中分析教师惩戒权存在的必要性,并从立法层面进一步探讨教师惩戒权行使的原则、主体、对象、方式及救济机制等细节,以明确其未来的发展趋向,从而实现教师惩戒权行使的理性回归。 相似文献
8.
Nathan D. Brubaker 《Teachers and Teaching》2013,19(2):159-180
Understanding how authority is negotiated in teacher education classrooms can inform efforts to foster democratic teacher education practices and prepare future teachers to teach democratically. We know very little, however, about how authority is negotiated in different classroom contexts, particularly in teacher education settings. This qualitative study examined how authority was negotiated in an undergraduate teacher education course in which I – as the teacher of the course – involved students in actively determining the content, method, and assessment of the course through jointly constructing the course curriculum. Using self-study methodology to understand more deeply the problems embedded in my practice as a beginning teacher-educator, I generated themes from the data using the constant comparative method. The findings suggest that deriving legitimacy from mutually recognized sources, working from shared purposes, and confronting students’ deeply rooted familiarity with authoritarian teaching practices present potential frameworks for negotiating authority in teacher education – while illuminating the challenges of teaching democratically in authoritarian contexts. Such insights are important for helping future teachers experience alternatives to conventional teaching while accounting for the complexity of learning to bring democratic values to life in classrooms at all levels. 相似文献
9.
Nathan D. Brubaker 《Teaching Education》2013,24(2):222-246
Understanding teacher educators’ reasoning about critical moments in negotiating authority can inform efforts to foster democratic teacher education practices and prepare future teachers to teach democratically. We know very little, however, about critical moments in negotiating authority, particularly in teacher educators’ practices. The purpose of this study was to examine, using self-study methodology, a teacher educator’s assumptions and perspectives about purposefully and explicitly negotiating authority through grading and accountability processes in an undergraduate teacher education course. From a critical pedagogical lens – concerning the intersection of classroom power relations, democratic citizenship, and student growth – the findings suggest that seeking legitimacy through consensual acceptance, responding to students’ expressed interests, and constructing knowledge through continual questioning present potential frameworks for constructing purposeful pedagogical partnerships consistent with democratic aims in teacher education. 相似文献
10.
Geraldine Mooney Simmie Silvia Edling 《Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education》2019,40(6):832-846
ABSTRACTThe needs of a globalized economy are rapidly changing what is legitimated as school knowledge and values, and calling up new understandings of teachers’ role in stimulating democratic spaces. We have termed this Teachers’ Democratic Assignment. We examine changing notions of teachers’ democratic assignment in Ireland and Sweden using a Critical Discourse Analysis. We tested our hypothesis that teachers’ democratic assignment has changed in unprecedented ways using an analysis of policy documents in teacher education. Our findings reported a substantive converging paradigm shift from a predominantly progressive (reconstructivist) curriculum discourse where democracy was seen as inextricably linked to everyday practice in the early years of this century, to a more essentialist (perennialist) discourse in recent times. The findings will have interest for a wider audience and have implications for the role of democracy in teacher education as well as the question of education as a social responsibility for a vibrant democracy. 相似文献
11.
吴红叶 《山西大学师范学院学报》2011,(5):114-116
师生关系是学生成长过程中的重要影响因素。传统的＂师道尊严＂以及以＂教师为本位＂的师生关系已经不再适应时代的发展,取而代之的是民主的师生关系。而这样的民主概念有其教育领域中独特的内涵,只有真正认识到其本质,才能在实践生活中找到正确的途径实现师生间的民主。对话式的合作关系注重的就是交流双方的平等,互相尊重。师生之间实现了对话合作,民主的师生关系也就会生成。 相似文献
12.
当代俄罗斯社会转型中面临着国际化与民族化、继承与变革、统一与民主等种种矛盾,这些矛盾不可避免地折射于教育领域中.俄罗斯中学经济教育为了有效地整合这些矛盾,既引进西方经济教育经验又结合自身国情,既继承教育为国家服务的传统又注重教育变革中的人文化趋势,既追求统一教育空闻又考虑教育的民主化趋势.这些宝贵经验值得我国借鉴. 相似文献
13.
Eliot J. Graham 《The Urban Review》2018,50(3):493-515
Classroom management is sometimes dismissed as behaviorist or even oppressive. However, as scholars concerned with issues of equity, we cannot afford to avoid the complexity of authority relationships in urban schools. Doing so undermines our ability to effectively combat the influx of authoritarian disciplinary approaches into these schools and to prepare new urban teachers for the challenges of classroom leadership. In the hopes of furthering consideration of these topics, this article highlights two distinct perspectives on equitable classroom management in urban schools: one emphasizing democratic classrooms, the other emphasizing teacher authority. Though these perspectives may seem contradictory, I argue that a conception of classroom management that incorporates both democracy and authority is critical to effectively addressing the issues highlighted above. Drawing upon theoretical conceptions of authority, studies examining the significance of racial and cultural differences in classroom management, and literature on restorative justice in education, I propose a framework that integrates these two perspectives. This framework suggests that rather than working in opposition to one another, democracy and authority are two sides of the same coin, and one may not be fully possible without the other. 相似文献
14.
Dawit M. Mekonnen 《Journal of Educational Change》2008,9(3):281-304
In 2003 the Ethiopian education system experienced wide-ranging reform that touches every aspect of the system. This reform
is called TESO (Teacher Education System Overhaul). Designed to address educational problems in Ethiopia, TESO introduced
significant structural changes and promised to bring a ‘paradigm shift’ in the Ethiopian educational system by engaging teacher
education in changing society and promoting democratic, practical, and problem-solving education. This paper examines, through
an analysis of the TESO document and an examination of the views of teacher educators, TESO’s assumptions, mission and the
coherence among the various components of TESO. It also reveals gaps and discrepancies between TESO’s mission, its reform
process, and strategies. The promise and assumptions of TESO are challenged by considering extant realities in Ethiopian schools
and evidence from literature on effective teacher education programs and educational reform. The paper reflects on how, by
giving priority to equity, TESO compromises on some elements of effective teacher education programs. It is indicated that
TESO has been a welcome addition to the Ethiopian education system as it addresses elements that had previously been missing
from the system, such as, outlining directions to teacher education, devoting longer duration for practicum, and heeding seriously
to the professional preparation of teachers. At the same time, it is contended that the imbalance among program components,
its permeability to ill-prepared students and the contradiction between program rhetoric and strategy and reform processes,
as described by teacher educators, could be stumbling blocks which prevent TESO from fulfilling its promises. 相似文献
15.
张琼 《四川职业技术学院学报》2005,15(2):15-17
法治既是一种治理国家的政治法律思想和原则，也是一种理想的国家治理状态．现代法治的形成，不仅需要健全的法律制度，还必须依托全体公民法治观念的确立和依法行事习惯的养成．我国必须通过多种途径促使公民普遍守法，加快现代法治社会的形成． 相似文献
16.
正当的教育权力由教师权力和学生权力两部分组成,批评权属于教师正当的教育权力。教育部赋批评权予班主任反映了教师不敢批评学生的现状,这是现代教育中师生关系追求绝对平等的后果,同时也有其现实根源。师生间应绝对平等的理念并非不正自明,我们也不能因现实教育中错误批评的存在而否定批评本身。师生之间自然地存在差异,老师对学生的引导及批评是好的教育必不可少的部分。我们应建立一种新型的富有教育性的师生关系,承认老师合理批评存在的必需,以消除目前道德教育可能的危险。 相似文献
17.
《Cambridge Journal of Education》2012,42(1):97-112
While universal human rights frameworks and democratic models of government have gained global support and even adherence, they often exist in tension with local cultural and religious practices. In Kuwait, tensions arise between its constitution, legal system and Islam, with several groups consequently marginalised. These tensions extend into the education system. This paper seeks to explore both theoretically and contextually the potential of a curricular module introduced in 2006 in deepening education for democratic citizenship in Kuwait. Theoretical analysis reveals the module, introduced without altering the authoritarian ethos of the system, to be quite a thin engagement with the concepts of rights and democracy. However, its enactment within the case study school – both representative of an authoritarian state school and a member of UNESCO’s Associated Schools Project Network (ASPnet) – uncovered its deeper potential and perhaps discovered the reason for its swift relegation from a three-year to a one-year programme. 相似文献
18.
Anthony R. Welch 《比较教育学》2001,37(4):475-492
In this article, the implications for globalisation and Post-modernity are assessed in terms of the self-understanding and practice of comparative education, particularly in relation to contemporary theories of the state, and civil society. It is argued that, while globalisation and post-modernity are usually seen as discrete phenomena, each raises complex questions of difference and hybridity, power and collective action, which can no longer be seen in relation to the nation-state alone. Different meanings of globalisation are canvassed, based in part on Sklair's taxonomy, while examples of the impact of globalisation, especially on higher education, are given. The implications of post-modern thought are also analysed, particularly for research and understanding in comparative education. Referring to Putnam's work on civil society, it is argued that both globalisation and post-modernity are linked to changes in the nature of late capitalism, and crises in the modern state. It is finally argued that neither offers much in practice to the much needed renewal of democracy, including in education; indeed that both arguably contribute to a trend towards individualism, and a retreat from democratic engagement and visions of the social good. 相似文献
19.
In this essay, Michele Moses and Terri Wilson explore the recent movement to opt out of state tests. They situate this activism within a diverse line of efforts to refuse aspects of public education, asking how to evaluate the democratic legitimacy of different kinds of refusal in public education. Drawing on specific examples of opting out, they point to different ethical principles at stake in conflicts over public education. They pose three sets of questions — emphasizing reasons, positionality, and consequences — to help guide local educational leaders, policymakers, and citizens in negotiating difficult cases of refusal in public education. Moses and Wilson conclude that opting out of tests may, under certain conditions, serve the public purposes of education in a democratic society. Although many opt-out activists justify their actions in terms of individual rights, others are concerned with public goals and ideals, including concerns about the narrowing of curriculum, the erosion of teacher authority, and the widening privatization of public education. Yet communicating across and between different interests in this movement remains a challenge, one that points to the need for spaces of democratic deliberation about the aims of education policy. 相似文献
20.
政治哲学家查尔斯·泰勒认为,民主文化以多元方式存在,民主文化的多元性现状可以基于社会想象研究而得以澄清。在泰勒看来,特定时空中的社会想象赋予特定实践以意义,民主理论必须渗入并改变特定时空的社会想象才能产生作用,民主的路径依赖性使得每个民主社会都形成了其独特的把自己理解为一个民主国家的方式以及符合这种理解的实践。每个民主国家的成员对其想象的共同体都具有强势的政治认同,而任何认同都是由他人的承认构成的,因而,各民主国家相互承认与尊重彼此的民主文化就成为必然要求。 相似文献