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1.
Penny Enslin Shirley Pendlebury Mary Tjiattas 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》2001,35(1):115-130
For democracies to thrive, citizens have to be taught to be democrats. How do people learn to be democrats in circumstances of diversity and plurality? We address this question via a discussion of three models of deliberative democracy: public reason (as exemplified by Rawls), discursive democracy (as exemplified by Benhabib) and communicative democracy (as exemplified by Young). Each of the three theorists contributes to an account of how to educate citizens by teaching talk. Against a commonly held assumption that the protection of diversity in a pluralist democracy requires a thin conception of citizenship education, we defend a thick conception that simultaneously fosters autonomy and participation without sacrificing tolerance of diversity. 相似文献
2.
Heidi Biseth 《International Review of Education/Internationale Zeitschrift für Erziehungswissenschaft/Revue internationale l'éducation》2009,55(1):5-20
This essay attempts to show the importance of linguistic issues in education for democracy and the close relationship between democracy and multilingualism. Increasingly nation-states are having to adapt to linguistic diversity within their borders and to recognize that democracy requires the participation of all citizens, including those belonging to linguistic minorities. Democracy also requires that all linguistic groups share a sense of community. The author argues the need for educational policies that address these challenges. 相似文献
3.
《British Journal of Educational Studies》2012,60(4):333-352
Abstract This paper critically evaluates the effect of introducing markets into the institutional system of education and promotes the claim of a learning democracy to underpin a richer conception for developing the powers and capacities of all citizens. 相似文献
4.
《Journal of moral education》2012,41(4):440-456
This article offers an account of the understanding citizens need in order to justify moral principles in the public sphere and it identifies an important role for moral education in the promotion of that civic understanding. I develop this account through a contrastive analysis of Phillip Kitcher’s conception of public knowledge and Jurgen Habermas’ Discourse Ethics. Kitcher is focused on the social conditions necessary for the circulation of scientific knowledge in advanced democracies; the analysis offered in this article expands on what Habermas and other deliberative democrats claim are epistemic conditions necessary for the construction and circulation of moral understanding. I use this account to critically assess public policy that aims to ‘get around’ public deliberation by using strategies derived from behavioral economics in order to shift civic behavior in specific (moral) directions. Finally, I specify how such strategies have the potential to undermine moral understanding in the public sphere and I argue for a central role for moral education in mitigating such effects. 相似文献
5.
PATRICIA WHITE 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》1991,25(2):203-208
ABSTRACT Social hope, shared hope which relates to the future of communities, is distinguished from personal hopes. Democrats, it is claimed, cannot entertain the kind of social hope found in the Marxist and Christian traditions. However, they do need hope in democracy. Social hope depends on the closely related value of social confidence. Therefore democrats need confidence in democratic values to support their democratic hopes. In school social confidence in democratic values can be promoted by the process of framing whole school policies, as well as by the policies themselves. 相似文献
6.
我们为什么需要教育民主 总被引：6，自引：0，他引：6
本文从三个方面分析了民主与教育的关系，论述了教育民主的内涵以及价值。提出民主作为生活方式的意义在于促进人类生活关系的和谐和人格的优秀发展，是社会形成和谐的共同体和个人积极参与共同体的方式。民主对扩大社会和个人的福祉都是有价值的。从民主的智力条件和心理条件来看，教育是民主的重要条件，这是因为教育培养公民的理性、德性、个性以及民主所需要的态度和行为方式。教育的民主化是教育实现其价值的重要方式之一。教育民主涉及教育价值的实践方式，也涉及培养什么人的问题，教育民主是教育健康、有序、和谐的生活方式。教育民主意味着要为儿童提供更多的社会支持，通过提供选择的自由、理智的开放和实际的参与机会来形成学生的公共道德、理性精神、社会态度和社会责任感，形成社会实践技能。 相似文献
7.
1932年,泰国开启了泰国民主化进程。然而泰国政局的频繁动荡使得泰国民主不断陷入困境与僵局。从政治角色层面来看,这主要是泰国政党的主体缺陷、军队的特权地位、国王的绝对权威和公民的民主理念扭曲等因素造成的。泰国民主困境给我们重要的启示：政治角色作为政治系统中的主要行为体,其在体系中的职能地位、政治行为模式及主体建制直接影响着政治系统的稳定。若要保持民主系统的稳定与正常运转,加强民主核心政治力量——政党的发展与完善,同时削弱非民主政治力量——军队与国王对原有系统运转的掌控,就显得十分必要。 相似文献
8.
Sarah Stitzlein 《Educational theory》2023,73(1):51-73
In this paper, Sarah Stitzlein considers the consequences of honesty on our democracy, especially for citizens' ability to engage in civic inquiry together as they face shared problems. Honesty is a key component of a well-functioning democracy; it develops trust and fosters the sorts of relationships among citizens that enable civic dialogue and reasoning. Post-truth attitudes and truth decay pose serious obstacles to good civic reasoning as citizens struggle to draw clear distinctions between fact and opinion, weigh personal beliefs and emotions over facts, and increasingly distrust traditionally respected sources of information. Stitzlein employs a Deweyan pragmatist account of truth and a distinctly social account of democracy to build a case for foregrounding honesty in the development of citizens. She describes how schools can employ communities of inquiry to cultivate habits of honesty within citizenship education. She explains how a better democracy — one grounded in a wider understanding of social life and relationships — might head off the temptation to be dishonest for self-serving reasons, focusing on how dishonesty jeopardizes our relationships to each other as citizens and our ability to engage in civic reasoning together to fulfill shared goals. 相似文献
9.
Luke Zaphir 《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2018,50(4):359-368
One of the most significant obstacles to inquiry and deliberation is citizenship education. There are few mechanisms for the development of citizens’ democratic character within most societies, and greater opportunities need to be made to ensure our democracies are epistemically justifiable. The character and quality of citizens’ interactions are a crucial aspect for any democracy; their engagement (or lack thereof) make a significant difference between a deliberative society and an electoral oligarchy. I contend that through demarchic procedures, citizens are subject to collective learning process in virtue of being part of communal decision-making and in so doing can develop their capacities for deliberation with practice over time. Demarchic bodies (functionally decentralised authorities that have members chosen by random selection) can be utilised as communities of inquiry (learning processes where participants collectively construct a problem). By viewing democracy as both a learning process and a decision-making mechanism, the quality of deliberation and participation can improve over time as well. 相似文献
10.
Cheuk-Hang Leung 《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2016,48(14):1426-1441
In this article, I will argue that the implementation of deliberative democracy needs to be supplemented by a specific political morality in order to cultivate free and equal citizens in exercising public reason for achieving a cooperative and inclusive liberal society. This cultivation of personality is literally an educational project with a robust ethical ambition, and hence, it reminds us the orthodox liberal problem concerning the relation between the state and its citizenship education. Following Callan’s reformulation of the political conception of the person, I will argue that Rawls’s political liberalism can accommodate the ethical demand of deliberative citizenship education. Liberal civic education should legitimately specify its own ethical endowments for active citizenship and need not shy away from making proposals on the cultivation of liberal character that might result in influencing individual’s conception of the good. Rawls’s theory thus redefines the state neutrality problem on education and paves the way for a framework of deliberative citizenship education. 相似文献
11.
STEPHEN M. ENGEL 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》2007,41(3):325-349
Creating education systems that promote democratic sustainability has been the concern of political thinkers as diverse as J. S. Mill, Dewey, Benjamin Barber and Derek Bok. The classic dichotomisation of democratic theory between deliberative democrats and Schumpeterian democrats suggests that education in the service of democracy can be constructive—that is, provide a student with the skills necessary to elect her leaders without changing her nature—or reconstructive—that is, fundamentally and radically reshape the student to produce a citizen whose goals are transformed to be congruent with society. Michael Oakeshott, who has written extensively both on political regimes and on the purpose of liberal education, offers a third way to assess the connection between government and education. Despite his own dismissal of civic or political education as fundamentally vocational and thus beyond the boundaries of the liberal arts, this paper provides a potentially surprising Oakeshottian defence of political education within the liberal arts with reference to the importance he places on experience as a pedagogic tool. Thus, Oakeshott's educational philosophy has a certain resonance with the recent calls to locate the relevance of liberal arts within the burgeoning development of experiential civic engagement programmes in American universities. 相似文献
12.
电大在终身教育体系中的地位分析 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
黎静 《广东广播电视大学学报》2008,17(4):11-15
学习型社会的高等教育促进人性的自我完善,促进学习者终身学习需要的满足,促进教育民主的实现。在终身教育体系中要求高等教育面向生活,实现办学形式多样化,重视学习者主体的参与,注重培养学习者的核心技能。而电大教育具有开放性、民主性和面向生活,网络覆盖面广,办学层次多,重视学生主体性等特质,符合学习型社会高等教育的理念和终身教育体系建立的要求,从现行教育体系的发展看,电大教育必然成为未来教育体系的主体。 相似文献
13.
杨亚佳 《河北师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2010,33(1)
国情的多样性决定了中国法治道路的多样性。中国法治道路的模式应是:法治规律+本国国情+自己的创造。具体体现在三个方面:价值取向、运行规律、策略选择;支撑中国法治道路发展模式的理论有三个相互联系的观点:法治方略论、法治价值论、法治功能论;中国特色社会主义法治道路遵循的基本原则:坚持党的领导、人民民主与依法治国的统一;贯彻以人为本的政治理念;坚持法治建设与经济社会发展相协调;正确处理好继承、借鉴和创新的关系。 相似文献
14.
Lately, a deliberative conception of democracy has gained influence in policy debates throughout Europe. Individuals are here seen to be fostered into responsible, mature – democratic – citizens by being involved in dialogue. In the 1990s, calls for ‘democratic education’ intensified in Sweden. This article analyses two pedagogical models influenced by programmes developed in the USA that have recently had a great impact in Swedish schools and elsewhere, Social and Emotional Training and Aggression Replacement Training, both teaching pupils the ‘art of democratic deliberation’. By analysing manuals and interviews with school staff, we find that both models are based on the idea that through constant dialogue, pupils develop a ‘democratic mentality’. Referring to Foucault, this kind of dialogue can be seen as a technology of confession, where pupils are encouraged to reflect upon themselves and their behaviour, abilities and qualities as a way to change themselves and become democratic subjects. 相似文献
15.
自治与权利平等是民主的基本属性。作为政治制度的民主,赋予公民平等的权利,信任公民的自治能力。民主的属性决定了民主教育不仅仅是一种公民教育,其根本目的是促使人成为自由、平等的人。民主的属性与价值追求决定了民主教育需要遵循自由原则、平等原则和教育与生活相统一原则。 相似文献
16.
Addressing Educational Accountability and Political Legitimacy with Citizen Responsibility 
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下载免费PDF全文 Sarah M. Stitzlein 《Educational theory》2015,65(5):563-580
In this essay, Sarah Stitzlein addresses a key current crisis in public education: accountability. Rather than centrally being about poor performance of teachers or inefficiency of schools, as we most often hear in media outlets and in education reform speeches, Stitzlein argues the crisis is at heart one about citizen responsibility and political legitimacy. She claims that the recent accountability movement has shifted the onus of curing society's problems almost exclusively onto schools, but contends that these burdens should not just be unidirectional. There is, Stitzlein maintains, a corresponding obligation on the part of citizens to public schools. This includes all citizens, not just those closely tied to schools through their children or employment. Moreover, this obligation entails a robust commitment that extends beyond merely supporting public schools through taxes, voting for levies, and choosing to send one's children to them. The responsibility of citizens includes upholding a commitment to schools as a central institution of democracy — something that sustains democracy but also, in its best forms, is democracy in action. 相似文献
17.
公元前339年,雅典先贤苏格拉底死于民主制,引发了持续至今的诸多争论.应该说,苏格拉底之死是走向激进民主的雅典公民对于自身的极度自信与苏格拉底自负式地对于公民的不信任的矛盾冲突的结果,既是苏格拉底个人的悲剧,也是雅典民主政治的悲剧.在他死后,城邦走向没落,民主趋于衰落.苏格拉底的死亡让痴迷于政治生活的雅典公民从中吸取了教训,也启迪了后人,代议制与分权制衡、思想自由理念的形成、重视法律,可能就是沉重代价的回馈. 相似文献
18.
Nomazulu Alice Ngozwana 《International Journal of Lifelong Education》2017,36(5):526-540
This paper investigates the extent to which civic education is achieving its goals of teaching democracy and producing responsible democratic citizenship in Lesotho. This is done by analysing the conceptions of civic education, democracy, public participation, human rights, freedoms and responsibilities that appear in Lesotho’s documents that are used to teach people about democracy through formal, non-formal and informal education. I therefore argue that in the current Lesotho’s political history, these conceptions do not provide enough conditions for the cultivation of active democratic citizenship. Instead the materials dwell too much on teaching citizens about the systems and structures of government, preoccupied with inconsistent definitions and characteristics of democracy and with informing citizens of the importance of knowing how to vote and abide by the laws of the country; without showing how democracy should operate in a democratic country. The findings reveal that civic education for adults in Lesotho is offered informally, through the civil society organisations and politicians that are largely based in urban parts of Lesotho. This suggest that civic education should be tailored for the rural and urban citizens in a context of democratic transition in a country that still embraces strong traditional ties to communitarian living. 相似文献
19.
We formulate a distinctly 'political liberal' conception of mutual respect, which we call 'civic respect', appropriate for governing the public political relations of citizens in pluralist democratic societies. A political liberal account of education should aim at ensuring that students, as future citizens, learn to interact with other citizens on the basis of civic respect. While children should be required to attend educational institutions that will inculcate in them the skills and concepts necessary for them to be free and equal citizens, parents should be granted as much freedom as is compatible with the requirements of civic respect to raise their children in accordance with their respective 'comprehensive doctrines' (systems of beliefs and values, including religious doctrines). We consider an objection to our position drawn from the account of upbringing recently advanced by Matthew Clayton, namely, that the conception of civic respect that we advance rests on an implausible view about the limited scope of the requirements of political justice. We develop an account of the 'basic structure of society' as the appropriate subject of political justice that can overcome this objection. 相似文献
20.
Sue Winton 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(3):349-367
Ontario’s new Character Development Initiative is analyzed to determine whether it can be characterized as political spectacle. Examination of official policy texts, media reports, speeches, web pages, webcasts, and events at the Character Development Symposium suggests that the Initiative contains many elements of political spectacle; however, the policy has received little coverage in traditional media. Media coverage is considered as an essential component of political spectacles. In this case, media coverage is limited to digital media produced by the Ontario government itself. This raises questions about the implications of new media forms for the theory of political spectacle. I demonstrate that digital media offer new means for bringing political spectacles to citizens and enable governments to have greater control over their content. Since political spectacles facilitated by traditional media promote the status quo and make critical analysis of public policy difficult, government‐produced digital media might put democracy at even greater risk. Alternatively, government websites post texts that can be analyzed by citizens and used to promote democracy in education. I conclude that the strategic use of language and illusions of democracy, whether brought to citizens through digital or traditional media, are essential components of political spectacle. 相似文献