共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Sally Findlow 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》2006,27(1):19-36
This paper examines the spread of English as a medium of higher education in the Arab world, addressing questions about the relationship between higher education, language shift and cultural (re)production through such post‐colonial educational bilingualism. Drawing on exploratory ethnographic research, it documents how both Arabic and English have been implicated in the re‐configuring of collective identities through mass higher education in one Arab Gulf country against a context of rapid modernisation with a regional undercurrent of recurrent pan‐Arab and Islamist‐tinged nationalism. It examines how far the resulting linguistic‐cultural dualism amounts to a loss of linguistic–cultural diversity, and how far there is a linguistically‐framed discourse of resistance to such a process. Theoretically, the paper engages with discourses relating to socio‐cultural reproduction, collective identity, educational standardisation, change and cultural chauvinism, and markets. It offers insights into the potential for both language and higher education to act as tools or fields for cultural transformation and for resistance identity construction. 相似文献
2.
Jeff Zacharakis Mary Tolar Royce Ann Collins 《International Journal of Lifelong Education》2013,32(4):440-454
Rural colleges and universities in the USA struggle to recruit new students, as their geographic region is depopulating and costs to attend classes on campus are increasing. Online education using the Internet is rapidly expanding as an effective growth strategy to reach new groups of students. In this paper, we take the position that online education is a form of cultural imperialism and academic capitalism where curriculum developers and professors are motivated to enroll new students in order to maintain the credibility and strength of their programmes and host institutions. We argue that it is not our intent to be educational imperialists or capitalists. Rather these are unintended consequences of our actions. This argument is supported by political economy theory in that we are marketing a technical rational form of online education without awareness of its long-term cultural, economic or political ramifications. Even though we pride ourselves on developing a high-quality programme that in our eyes meet the needs of our students, understanding the political economy of online education is essential if our programme that has access to the global market is to go beyond the individual needs of students and address social, cultural and political needs. We conclude that one way out of this malaise is to understand our role as instructors and course designers as a first step towards understanding the intended and unintended consequences of online education. 相似文献
3.
Unn-Doris Karlsen Bæck 《Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research》2013,57(6):659-669
Sociology of education in Norway has traditionally been preoccupied with the classic problems related to education and the reproduction of social inequality. As the general social scientific and political focus on inequality decreased, the sociology of education also became less visible. At the same time, the sociology of youth evolved, and brought with it a shift from theories of reproduction towards theories of individualization and cultural detachment. New challenges for sociology of education are also discussed. These are related to the educational system's position as the main socialization arena for young people, as well as new developments within educational policy, and thus within school. What kind of identities are “produced” within the educational system? 相似文献
4.
Ronald K. Goodenow 《History of education》2013,42(1):45-57
The State should not, in our opinion, refuse financial support to institutions, colleges and classes, merely on the ground that they have a particular ‘atmosphere’ or appeal specially to students of this type or that. All that it ought to ask is that they be concerned with serious study. It is said in criticism of this view that the adult educational work of sectarian bodies ought not to be subsidised out of public funds. We do not agree; in our judgment, whether the State ought to help such education depends upon the quality of the work and not upon the institution which conducts it. The basis of discrimination between education and propaganda is not the particular opinions held by the teacher or the students, but the intellectual competence and quality of the former and the seriousness and continuity of study of the latter. Any other standard puts the State in a position of censorship which it ought not to be expected to take. It would inevitably give rise to a differentiation between the knowledge which in the opinion of the State it is desirable to disseminate and knowledge the diffusion of which should not be encouraged. The State could, indeed, hardly avoid the charge of ‘manufacturing public opinion’. In our view, the only sound principle is that the State should be willing to help all serious educational work, including the educational work of institutions and organisations which are recruited predominantly from students with, say, a particular religious or political philosophy. 相似文献
5.
俄罗斯统考作为联系中等教育与高等教育的桥梁,承载了教育、政治、社会与文化的功能。实践表明,统考的理念全面影响着社会各阶层的平等意识与公平竞争精神;统考扩大了农村学生和弱势群体学生进入名牌大学和热门专业的机会;统考在一定程度上促进了学生的跨地区流动。从社会学的角度考察,俄罗斯统考有利于促进阶层流动、缩小区域差异和城乡差异。 相似文献
6.
NAGAT EL‐SANABARY 《Gender and education》1994,6(2):141-150
This paper explains the reproduction of gender divisions and power relations through education in a traditional Islamic country, Saudi Arabia. That country has drawn both upon Islam and its oil wealth to expand female education vastly within traditional boundaries. Its model of female education is unique among all Islamic countries, in its structure and strategies for the reproduction of gender divisions through (1) a dual system of male and female education; (2) a gender‐specific educational policy that emphasizes women's domestic function; (3) gender‐segregated schools and colleges; and (4) curriculum differentiation at the various educational levels. The author maintains that Saudi education, a microcosm of Saudi Arabian society, has intentionally instituted these mechanisms and structures as a means of cultural conservation and social control. The Saudi experience proves previous research findings that female educational expansion does indeed increase women's social and occupational options, but does not necessarily alter gender and power relations. 相似文献
7.
Kathleen Lynch 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》1988,9(2):151-168
This paper represents an attempt to develop current understanding of reproduction in education.
Commenting on current neo‐Marxist models of analysis, we argue that more attention needs to be given to the universalising practices of schools if reproduction is to be fully understood. Drawing on evidence taken from a national study of Irish [1] schools, we show how the state's intervention in schooling can have universalising effects. However, we argue that the state has only intervened in the realm of educational provision, not in the realm of consumption, hence inequalities persist.
The second part of the paper tries to explain why state intervention in education is largely limited to provision. In effect, this means examining the processes of universalism and particularism within the context of the capitalist state. Here we argue that actions by state managers (particularly in response to resistances developing in schools) are restricted by an array of vested interest groups within the educational site. While contradictions lead to resistances in school, these resistances generate counter‐resistances from those class and/or status groups, which have their own agenda within the educational system. The managers’ need to reproduce both the skills and attitudes necessary for the capital accumulation which funds the state machinery is, of course, another powerful controlling force. 相似文献
8.
This article uses ethnographic research from two Year 8 classes in two middle‐sized secondary schools about a kilometre apart in a Swedish west‐coast town to examine how new policies for personalised learning have developed in practice, in the performative cultures of modern schools in a commodity society. One school stands in a predominantly middle‐class area of privately owned ‘low‐rise’ houses. The other is in an area of ‘high‐rise’ rented accommodation, where the first language of many homes is not Swedish. The differences are important. According to the article, personalised learning mobilises material and social resources in these schools that support new forms of individualistic, selfish and private accumulations of education goods from public provision and a valorisation of self‐interest and private value as the common basis for educational culture. The article describes this cultural production in school and links it to processes of cultural and social reproduction. 相似文献
9.
João Viegas Fernandes 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》1988,9(2):169-180
The aim of this article is to articulate the theory of resistance with the theories of social and cultural reproduction, within the boundaries of the new sociology of education. Starting from the concepts of classification and framing developed by Basil Bernstein and of Pierre Bourdieu's social camp, the author defines some concepts which, in his opinion, are basic to establish the theory of resistance with conceptual rigour and analytical capacity. It will thus be possible to constitute a referential theoretical matrix for the development of counter‐hegemonic curricula, teaching materials and pedagogical practices, whose objective is to oppose the schools’ social and cultural reproduction in its different forms (of class, race, ethnic groups and gender), at its two levels—the reproduction of the sexual and social division of labour and of the inculcation of the dominant ideologies. 相似文献
10.
Kevin K. Kumashiro Sikunder Ali Baber Eric Richardson Carol Ricker‐Wilson Pia L. Wong 《Teaching Education》2013,24(3):257-275
While theories and recommendations continue to proliferate in the educational research literature on what it means to teach towards social justice and to prepare teachers for such teaching, so do concerns that these theories and recommendations fail to account for the ways that the contexts of teaching—cultural contexts, national contexts, political contexts—always affect teaching in idiosyncratic, unpredictable and even contradictory ways. Given that much educational research fails to trouble the US‐centric nature of prevailing conceptions of social justice and teacher education, it is important to learn about the unique as well as shared challenges facing teacher educators around the globe. In this article, teacher educators from Asia, Africa, North America and South America offer a sampling of initiatives in anti‐oppressive teacher education; that is, initiatives to prepare teachers to teach various subject matters to various age groups, addressing various forms of oppression in various cultural and community contexts. 相似文献
11.
传统节日是中华民族文化传播与传承的重要载体,其所蕴含的民族文化传统及独特的民族气息是对高校学生进行思想政治教育的宝贵资源.如何将传统节日文化纳入思想政治教育体系,提高思想政治教育的针对性、实效性和吸引力、感染力,充分发挥传统节日文化对思想政治教育的引导和指向作用,值得高校教育工作者进行有益探索和深入研究. 相似文献
12.
开放与融合：春秋战国时代文化传播的社会功能 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
春秋战略时代的化传播活动十分活跃，其功能的发挥具有典型意义。化信息的垂直传播打破了教育的垄断局面，促进了政治变革的发生和实现；化信息的水平传播打破了地理隔阂。促进了民族化的交融与整合。 相似文献
13.
谈大学生思想政治教育的结构优化 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
优化大学生思想政治教育的系统结构是思想政治教育工作的基本要求。就目前各高校的普遍现状来看,迫切需要加强单项教育和整体教育的统一、阶段性教育和连续性教育的统一、科学文化教育和思想道德教育的统一、理论教育和实践教育的统一、教育目标和考核方法的统一。 相似文献
14.
红色影视作为传播思想政治教育的重要载体之一,以其独具的特点和优势对大学生的思想政治教育起到了推进作用与积极影响,帮助高校摆脱思想政治教育资源短缺的困境。面对教育教学任务,高校必须充分把握好红色影视文化的内涵,发挥其多样性的功能,探索其育人价值,使学生通过对红色影视作品的学习,将思想政治教育推向新高度。 相似文献
15.
基于中国人民大学中国调查与数据中心提供的“中国教育追踪调查”基线数据,通过线性回归和独立样本T检验,分析家庭社会阶层较低的子女中哪些获得了优异的学业成就,以期帮助更多的弱势职业阶层子女提高学业成就,以助于实现社会和谐、教育公平。研究表明,弱势职业阶层子女获得高学业成就的关键在于其所特有的文化资本,父母的教育期望、自我教育期望、学校归属感、同伴表现、学习态度是弱势职业阶层子女获得优异学业成就的重要因素。因此,政府应联合学校、社区,健全家庭教育指导服务体系,使弱势职业阶层父母形成正确的教育价值观,提高教育期待;学校应该关注弱势职业阶层子女的归属感;弱势职业阶层子女要利用自己吃苦耐劳的禀赋优势积累人力资本。 相似文献
16.
Kathryn Ecclestone 《Educational studies》1994,20(2):155-166
Interest in professional development based on competence‐based education and training (CBET) is growing. Competence models undoubtedly pose some important, constructive challenges to traditional arrangements for developing knowledge and expertise at all occupational levels. However, CBET's impact goes far beyond this. Its processes profoundly affect how teachers and learners view learning, assessment and the purposes of education itself. CBET is also symptomatic of wider changes in notions about ownership, pluralism and breadth in post‐compulsory education and training. It therefore poses a profound and forceful ideological challenge to particular educational values, and to the way teachers approach their professional role. This article uses post‐16 teacher education as a focus for exploring some of these wider effects. It reviews recent critiques of CBET and argues that many are preoccupied with attempting to improve its efficiency at the expense of examining the wider political and ideological context in which it is being implemented. In order to counter the drift towards a narrow utilitarian curriculum in all sectors of the post‐compulsory system, analyses of CBET will need to show its powerful effect on some important democratic traditions in learning and education. This would provide the basis for a more coherent model of professional development than the limited and fragmented choices currently on offer. 相似文献
17.
Peter Hodgkinson 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》1991,12(2):203-222
This article is concerned with theorising educational change. Working within a Marxist reproduction problematic, power and domination are theorised in terms of Social Forms—wage, state and civil‐forms—which are the product of capitalist social relations. Since these forms are a feature of the social formation, including the education system, a ‘translation effect’ between different levels of analysis can be identified. This approach entails recognition of the fact that reproduction is contested and has a political aspect, which is revealed by a ‘content‐theoretical’ model of educational change. This model delineates the relationship between the economic and political (the wage and state‐forms) as the dynamic for change, thereby demonstrating how the political makes possible the reproductive role of the education system. The utility of this model, and in particular its capacity to account for unintended consequences of educational change, is illustrated by reference to the recent introduction of the ‘new vocationalism’ into Further Education. 相似文献
18.
Despite the growing demands for carrying out intercultural education as part of all teaching and learning, little attention has been given to the ways in which future subject teachers understand the meaning of ‘cultural diversity’ and how teacher education programmes prepare future teachers to consider intercultural aims in education. Therefore, this study investigates how future subject teachers, studying in an international teacher education programme in Finland, conceptualise the educational aims related to cultural diversity in reflective group discussions. For theorising the student teachers’ reflections, this study applies the idea of cultural reproduction depicted in the theory of communicative action by Habermas as an analytical framework for identifying how student teachers reach agreement or disagreement in issues regarding educational aims related to cultural diversity. This study identified three main forms of cultural reproduction from the student teachers’ discussions and showed that the underlying understanding about ‘cultural diversity’ and the educational aims related to it are in a state of disruption. This study highlights the need to clarify the theoretical concepts and aims used to guide intercultural education and to further emphasise issues of cultural diversity during teacher education. The findings are important for developing practices within subject teacher education internationally. 相似文献
19.
20.
Gunther M Hega 《Compare》2001,31(2):205-227
This article argues that identity and language issues exert a powerful influence on the politics and policies of education in Switzerland. Regional and local linguistic and cultural differences affect the education policies of the Swiss federal government, the 26 Swiss cantons, and the more than 3000 Swiss communities. Switzerland's highly decentralized political system and its mechanisms of direct democratic citizens' participation force educational policy-makers at the national, regional, and local level to take into account not only their own locality's culture and language, but also that of their neighboring towns, cantons, and regions. The article uses the example of the introduction of second language instruction as a case study to illustrate why and how education policy at all levels of the polity reflects Switzerland's cultural and linguistic diversity and the strong local and regional identities of the Swiss citizenry. 相似文献