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1.
Bernard Hamilton 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2011,23(2):117-124
Partly because the First Crusade had weakened the Seljuk Sultanate in 1097–1099, David III of Georgia was able to extend his power over much of the Caucasus. The rulers of the Crusader States who stood in need of Eastern Christian allies sought to co-operate with him. Yet although some Western knights served in his army, the practical difficulties of co-ordinating joint action against the Islamic powers of north Syria and Anatolia in the twelfth century proved insuperable. In the thirteenth century the Georgian crown offered an alliance to the leaders of the Fifth Crusade: their forces would attack the northern provinces of the Ayyūbid Empire while the crusaders were invading Egypt. This strategy was sound, but the rise of the Mongol Empire prevented it from being implemented. Nevertheless, the desire for military collaboration between Georgia and the Western powers persisted until the mid-fifteenth century. 相似文献
2.
Fumihiko Hasebe 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2009,21(3):315-330
In 789/1387, Sultan al-?āhir Barqūq (r. 784–792/1382–89, 793–802/1390–99), the founder of the Circassian Mamluk State, moved the royal ma?ālim sessions for hearing petitions from Dār al-‘Adl, the time-honoured building at the centre of the Cairo Citadel, to the Royal Stables situated in the peripheral and lower enclosure of the Citadel. Thereafter, Barqūq utilised the stable area as a stronghold of his new paternalistic rule. This paper examines the background, political intention, and social meaning of this important change, with special attention to various actions of urban and rural Egyptian people during the two reigns of the sultan. 相似文献
3.
Nabil Al-Tikriti 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2005,17(1):125-146
In the spring of 915/1509 an Ottoman prince named Korkud (ca. 1468–1513) abandoned his Antalya post and headed by sea to Mamlūk Egypt. Since such princes were absolutely not allowed to leave their assigned postings, by his actions Korkud risked provoking a civil war and opened himself up to allegations of betrayal. In an attempt to counter such accusations, Korkud sent his father Bayezid (886–918/1481–1512) an autobiographical treatise presented as an individual testimony to the religious significance of the .(h)ajj ritual and a comprehensive defence of his actions. However, as Korkud was the main royal backer of several sea ghāzī captains, there is reason to believe that his motivation for leaving Antalya extended beyond personal piety. Whatever his real intentions, Korkud's insistence on a believer's right to embark on the pilgrimage provided a powerful argument to justify his 14-month self-exile at a personally and politically sensitive time. 相似文献
4.
Ulisse Cecini 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2013,25(3):331-344
AbstractThis article sets out to be a concise account of Mark of Toledo's Qur?ān translation. It will be structured as follows: first, it will provide information about when and in what circumstances it was realised. Second, it will present some examples, which will show Mark's way of translating and transferring form and content of the Qur?ān for his Latin-speaking Christian audience. Mark mostly translates words consistently throughout the text, and also tries to translate words derived from the same Arabic root with root-related Latin words. Moreover, he does not usually try to convey the semantic nuances a word may have, seemingly not paying attention to the context, but translating with a standard, basic meaning of the word. (This observation should be taken as a tendency and not as a rule, as the excursus at the end will illustrate.) Nevertheless, Mark does not violate the grammar of the Latin language. Despite his fidelity to the text, Mark's Christian cultural background sometimes influences the translation. In the conclusion, the features of Mark's translation will be set out in relation to the cultural and political activity of its commissioner, the Archbishop of Toledo Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada. 相似文献
5.
The fall of Islamic Jerusalem to the crusaders during the first Crusade created a sense of agitation and anger amongst Muslims as Islamic Jerusalem had been under their rule for centuries before. A considerable number of scholars have pointed at the Fā?imids as the main cause of the fall of Islamic Jerusalem, claiming that the region would not have fallen had it not been for the alliance and collaboration between the Fā?imids and the crusaders. This article is an attempt to present a critical analysis of the historical narratives of Muslim and non-Muslim historians who have continued to accuse the Fā?imids of collaborating with the crusaders and depict them as the main cause of the fall of Islamic Jerusalem during the first Crusade. It also tries to answer the following two questions. Did the Fā?imids really invite the crusaders to invade al-Sham? And is it true that the Fā?imids misunderstood the crusaders’ aims and targets? 相似文献
6.
Mathieu Tillier 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(2):119-131
As Joseph Schacht argued in the 1950s, the office of qā?ī began in the Umayyad period as that of a “legal secretary” to provincial governors. Documentary evidence from Egypt confirms that governors were indeed regarded as the highest judicial authority in early Islam, and that their legal powers far surpassed that of any other judge. In large cities, governors appointed and dismissed qā?īs at will; decisions taken by qā?īs could be swiftly overruled by political authorities.Although the ?Abbāsids reformed and centralised the judiciary in the second half of second/eighth century, qā?īs were still subordinate to reigning rulers and unable to impose judgements that displeased the caliph or his main representatives. The increasing political and social influence of scholars and the development of classical schools of law eventually changed this situation. Relying on a body of both narrative and legal literature, this article addresses the qā?īs' attempts to resist political rulers' interference with the judiciary by asserting themselves as true representatives of the sharī?a. It argues that ?anafī legal literature, dating from the third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries, gradually elaborated a theory on the relationship between the qā?ī and the ruler. This theory was instrumental in doing away with political infringement on the judicial prerogative and was soon incorporated into adab literature, whose stories of rulers entirely subjugated to the rule of law became a new political model. 相似文献
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8.
John P. Cooper 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(1):53-73
By the fourth/tenth century, Egypt's Nile Delta had just two major Delta branches debouching directly into the Mediterranean – the Dumyā? (Damietta) and Rashīd (Rosetta). Navigational conditions at these branches’ mouths were treacherous because of a combination of currents, winds, wave-fields and shifting sandbanks. These conditions were a danger to shipping, and so had a formative effect on the navigational landscape of the Delta. Despite its remoteness from the Nile, Alexandria remained Egypt's chief Mediterranean port, but only because river connections were maintained that avoided the Rashīd mouth. In contrast, the port of Rashīd was relatively insignificant. Similar conditions at the Dumyā? mouth prompted navigators to adopt routes via Lake Tinnīs, modern Lake Manzala, which linked to the sea through its calmer sea mouths. This article brings together material from multiple disciplines to offer a new understanding of the navigational context of Egypt's medieval Mediterranean ports. 相似文献
9.
Rachid El Hour 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(3):265-278
This article examines the nature of the wrath of Abū Marwān al-Yu[hdot]ānisī, a thirteenth-century Andalusi saint, and the protagonist of the Tu?fat al-mughtarib of al-Qashtālī. I have divided the study into two main parts. The first sets out and analyses various occasions on which the saint committed violent acts against Christians. Two of them died as a consequence of these aggressions. All the cases in this first part took place in the Muslim East during the saint's stay in this area. The second part examines cases of violence committed against Muslim people from al-Andalus. The victims suffered the consequences of the wrath of the saint, although he was not directly involved in the aggressions themselves. The stories are narrated by al-Yu[hdot]ānisī himself, and we do not know whether they really took place. Regarding these manifestations of violence, the hagiographic sources not only justify all the violent acts committed by the saint, murder included, but they present the saint to society as an “example” to follow, and indeed as a “hero”. 相似文献
10.
Travis Bruce 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2010,22(3):235-248
The taifa of Denia on the Iberian eastern seaboard was one of the most dynamic of the regional polities that emerged from the disintegrated Cordovan caliphate. Mujāhid al-‘āmirī based his state not only on its continental territories, but especially on the maritime networks that linked it with the Mediterranean. Commerce with Muslim and Christian ports played a role in Denia's success, but both Latin and Arabic sources emphasise its practice of piracy on a grand scale. In fact, Mujāhid al-‘āmirī built his state as a continuation of the maritime policies of the Cordovan caliphate under which the piracy of independent coastal communities was adopted and expanded into a state-sponsored guerre de course. Mujāhid's pursuance of this policy stemmed from his role in the erstwhile caliphate, but was also motivated by a combination of religious, political and economic factors. The legitimacy provided by his “jihād on the sea” helped to shore up his power at a time of political instability. This policy also provided the taifa's economic foundation for much of its history. In fact, the Mediterranean maritime lanes became as much an extension of Denia as its continental territories. Denia's piracy thus reflects a coherent form of statecraft, informing definitions of the medieval state and territoriality. 相似文献
11.
Yehoshua Frenkel 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(1):78-92
AbstractWhile modern scholars, medieval European and anachronistic Arab sources paint a portrait of Mamlūk Alexandria as a bustling and thriving international port, contemporary Arabic writings of the second half of the ninth/fifteenth and the first quarter of the tenth/sixteenth centuries present quite a different image. This article analyses Arabic chronicles to demonstrate that, from the Cairene perspective, Alexandria was a frontier city that was utilised as a jail for banished political prisoners. In contrast to other parts of their realm, investment in Alexandria by the Mamlūk regime was largely limited to fortifying it against seaborne threats; the sultans did little to embellish the city for civilian or religious purposes. Thus, the city was marginalised, politically and socially, even while still maintaining its role as a gateway to Egypt. 相似文献
12.
Kinship,Camaraderie and Contestation: Fāṭimid Relations with the Ashrāf in the Fourth/Tenth Century.
Shainool Jiwa 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2016,28(3):242-264
The founding of the Fā?imid caliphate across the southern Mediterranean, and then in Egypt, Syria and the ?ijāz at the turn of the fourth/tenth century, necessitated its negotiation with the ashrāf, those who claimed lineal descent from the Prophet Mu?ammad, and who by this time had gained significant influence as a social class based on their charismatic descent. While other dynastic powers fostered relationships with various members of the ashrāf, the Fā?imid–ashrāf dynamics were distinctive in that the Fā?imids legitimised their rule as Ismā?īlī Shī?ī imām-caliphs, based on their claim of descent from the Prophet Mu?ammad, and as the sole successors to his authority and leadership over the Islamic world. Consequently, Fā?imid–ashrāf relations were permeated by fraternal camaraderie as well as by competing contestations based on their shared claim to Prophetic lineage. 相似文献
13.
Paul E. Walker 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(1):36-48
AbstractThe arrival in Alexandria of al-?ur?ūshī from Spain and al-Silafī from Iran and the settling there of both early in the sixth/twelfth century created a nucleus of Sunni learning that grew into a full-blown renaissance. Many additional scholars participated, either as students and colleagues of these two, or on their own. As one result, the city itself became, over the first half of that century, a noted entrepôt for the east–west exchange of scholarship in the Muslim world, and all this despite the core Shi‘ism of the Fā?imid dynasty that controlled Egypt, including Alexandria. This renaissance in fact continued to flourish until the Fā?imids were finally supplanted in 567/1171 by the Ayyūbids, a full two decades into the second half of the same century, at which time Cairo became once again a major centre of Sunnism. 相似文献
14.
Louise Marlow 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2010,22(3):279-313
This essay examines the career of the Shafi?ī jurist and logician Sirāj al-Dīn Urmavī (1198–1283), who combined his scholarly and judicial activities with ambassadorial appointments to Frederick II, King of Sicily and Holy Roman Emperor, and the Ilkhan Hülegü. Originally from Azerbaijan, Sirāj al-Dīn spent most of his professional life in Ayyūbid Cairo and, from 1257, in Seljuk Konya, where he spent the final decades of his life as chief qadi. Through a contextualised reading of the extant biographical information for Sirāj al-Dīn, the article draws particular attention to two aspects of his physical and professional trajectory. First, the essay situates Sirāj al-Dīn's career in the context of processes of cultural change in thirteenth-century Anatolia. It seeks to demonstrate both the transfer and adaptation to the Anatolian urban milieu of social–cultural patterns attested for the a?yān in neighbouring predominantly Muslim societies, and the shaping of the social and cultural functions of immigrant scholars to Anatolia by local conditions. Second, the article identifies Sirāj al-Dīn as a prominent participant in an intellectual community engaged in inter-cultural exchange across political and confessional boundaries in the thirteenth-century eastern Mediterranean. 相似文献
15.
Paul M. Cobb 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2006,18(1):67-78
Usāma ibn Munqidh (d. 584/1188) is best known for his “memoirs” entitled Kitāb al-i?ibār, which provides a personal and detailed window into the world of an aristocratic Syrian Muslim in the period of the Crusades. But scholars have almost completely ignored a lesser-known work by Usāma called Lubāb al-ādāb or The Kernels of Refinement. This anthology consists mostly of poetic excerpts relating to adab, the ideal conduct of the male courtier, but, scattered throughout, it also contains a handful of narrative anecdotes about Usāma and his times very much akin to the material found in his “memoirs”: tales of admirable behaviour, of encounters with the Franks, of Usāma's family, and the daily life of the elites of his day. This article presents these narrative extracts translated into English for the first time, with commentary, and with the intention that The Kernels of Refinement will attract the attention it deserves from both Arabists and non-Arabists. 相似文献
16.
Sarit Shalev-Eyni 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2006,18(2):145-160
The legend of Solomon's special ability to control demons originated in Jewish-Hellenistic circles and became widespread in later Judaic, Islamic and Christian culture. In the Qur’ān, as well as in the earlier Babylonian Talmud and other rabbinic sources, the legend was adopted with a clear tendency to avoid the pragmatic demonic aspects of the story. In a similar vein, Qur’ānic commentators presented the relations between Solomon and the demons as an expression of the supernatural rule of the king over the cosmos and ignored his shameful end. The inclusion of the legend in the most sacred canonical text of Islam, and its connotation of eternity may explain the frequent representation in Muslim art. On the other hand, the avoidance by the Christian establishment authorities and the relegation to profane literature mocking the king may account for its absence in western official art. A combination between the high and low aspects of Solomon is seen in an illuminated medieval Hebrew Mahzor from South Germany. The divine aspect of Solomon as he appears in the Mahzor is paralleled in the Muslim examples. These similarities are the result of close textual traditions deriving from the same sources. Yet a possible pictorial testimony linking East and West may be discerned in the Ottoman illuminated Book of Suleiman, possibly based on a western tradition. 相似文献
17.
Julien Loiseau 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2011,23(1):37-52
Latin presence in the Middle East came to an end with the fall of Acre in 690/1291. Among the last prisoners, Roger of Stanegrave, who gave testimony of his captivity in Cairo, was released around 715/1315. Therefore, how can we explain that Egyptian chroniclers kept on telling the life and tribulations of “Frankish captives” (asārā min al-Afranj) in Cairo as late as the last decades of the fourteenth century? This article looks first at the conditions of the Latin prisoners in Mamlūk Cairo and at their forced labour on the building sites of the city. It investigates afterwards the astonishing life and business of their descendants, trading wine and dealing with entertainment and prostitution in the city centre of Cairo, before being confronted with repression by Mamlūk authorities and being scattered over the most disreputable areas of the city. The history of Cairo and its urban fabric gives a unique opportunity to bring to light the life of people still referred to as “Frankish captives”, one century after the end of the crusader wars, and to understand how they finally became indigenous. 相似文献
18.
Paul M. Cobb 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2005,17(1):109-123
Usāma ibn Munqidh (d. 584/1188) is best known to historians for his “memoirs” entitled Kitāb al-i‘tibār, which provides a very personal and detailed window into the world of an aristocratic Syrian Muslim in the period of the Crusades. But historians have almost completely ignored a lesser-known work by Usāma called Kitāb al–‘a.(s)ā, or The Book of the Staff. This anthology consists mostly of poetic excerpts relating to walking-sticks and staves, but, scattered throughout, it also contains a handful of narrative anecdotes about Usāma and his times very much akin to the material found in his “memoirs”: tales of miracles, of encounters with the Franks, of Usāma's family, and the courts of the amirs and atabegs of his day. This article presents these extracts translated into English for the first time, with commentary, in the hope that the Book of the Staff will attract the attention of historians that it deserves. 相似文献
19.
Sophie Schaller Wu 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2011,23(3):237-255
The passage that John of Joinville, faithful companion of Louis IX, devotes to the Mongols in his chronicle of the Seventh Crusade, known as “La Vie de Saint Louis”, cross-conceives two structures under the sign of hope: historical facts and legends on the one hand, and Christian sensibilities on the other, giving way to a set of “ethnological” observations about what are presented as “barbarian” customs. The text gives a faithful reflection on sentiments which agitated the Crusaders and their King: hope and disillusion. But Joinville's testimony goes far beyond that: it is first and foremost a testimony of love upon which history could be re-written. 相似文献
20.
Charles L. Tieszen 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(1):21-33
Ninth-century treatises written by Eulogius (d. 859) and Paulus Alvarus (fl. ninth century) have been studied in some detail for their anti-Muslim rhetoric and for what they have to say about a group of ninth-century martyrs killed in Córdoba, Spain. Less attention is given to how the authors pair their views of Christian mission with what one of them refers to as “holy cruelty”. With this in mind, this study examines how Eulogius’ construction of Islam as a Christian heresy informed his view of mission. Building off of this, we will also examine how Alvarus saw his notion of hatred for the enemies of God as a justified means for engaging Muslims. 相似文献