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1.
英国殖民统治香港一个半世纪,在香港颁布了大量新闻法规。香港新闻法制的演变大致分成四个阶段,第一阶段是起步期,从1841年到1900年英国奠定殖民统治香港基本格局后,建立了以注册监管为主体的新闻法律制度。第二阶段是发展期,从1900年到1945年二次世界大战结束,制订了有关以内容监管为主体的新闻法规。第三阶段是延续期,从1945年英国恢复对香港殖民统治到1985年《中英联合声明》正式生效前,进一步延续了有关新闻内容监管法规的制订。第四阶段是调整期,从1985年到1997年香港回归祖国前,港英当局为掩盖殖民专制本质,为香港平稳过渡设置障碍,调整和放松了有关新闻媒体管制的法令法规。港英政府的新闻法制建设始终是其殖民统治体制的延伸,但客观上也表现出了积极性的一面。  相似文献   

2.
This research investigates the response of Hong Kong newspapers to the social change in the last two decades. It is found that Hong Kong newspapers are largely conservative, reconciliatory and non‐critical This pattern was remarkably stable in the last four decades. Although the newspapers shifted their focus from public services to civic and political issues in the last two decades, they were insensitive to the changing labour conditions. The newspapers’ geographical locus of attention was also stable over the years with little response to the changing world. The study finds that the newspapers in Hong Kong seldom criticized the Hong Kong or Chinese governments in. editorials, with the exception of the partisan newspapers whose attitudes varied with time and political stand.  相似文献   

3.
Marginalized from the center of power, women in Hong Kong maybe particularly vulnerable to the future political transition,as the territory prepares for an exchange from British to Chineserule. How do women feel about the impending changes in HongKong? According to results from a recent (April 1993) representativetelephone survey in Hong Kong (n = 502), women are less likelyto have faith in the political future of Hong Kong than men.Moreover, this relationship between gender and political cynicismbecomes more pronounced when controlling for socio-economicstatus and is more intensive among persons in their middle years.Contrary to expectations, exposure to newspapers does not encouragedistrust, but instead appears to be associated with less cynicismof the future transition, at least among men. Women, on theother hand, are less likely to be susceptible to press coverage.In a context in which political transition is pending, suchas in Hong Kong, it is imperative to attempt to understand theevolution and disintegration of political cynicism, particularlyamong those who may be vulnerable to political change.  相似文献   

4.
This study demonstrates for the first time that a newspaper's political orientation is a principal factor used by readers to locate its position in the marketplace. The findings have concrete implications for editors and publishers in Southeast Asia, where newspapers are often aligned with political organizations. The study uses data collected in Hong Kong to create a perceptual map of Hong Kong newspapers. In Hong Kong, there are 25 dailies serving a population of 6 million. Newspaper readership is high. The newspapers span the political spectrum from ultra‐left to ultra‐right. When data were collected for this study, some newspapers were controlled by the Kuomintang of Taiwan, others by the Chinese Communist Party of the People's Republic of China. This study selected eight newspapers whose political orientations had been clearly established by previous research. Some 990 respondents estimated the distance between 28 pairs of newspapers. These ‘perception data’ were pure similarity/dissimilarity measures. Factor analysis and multidimensional scaling both reveal a clear political dimension to the resultant perceptual maps. The study also includes an overview of the contemporary partisan press in Hong Kong.  相似文献   

5.
This article traces the ways in which the British suffragette Emily Wilding Davison was represented in national newspapers between 1913—the year she died—and 2013, the centenary of her death. We identify three key discourses through which Davison has been represented in four British newspapers throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty-first: delegitimisation, recuperation and trivialisation. In doing so, this paper provides original insights into the ways that the fight for women’s rights has been figured in different historical moments. A key argument is that over time, Davison’s militant actions—once cast as those of a hysterical lunatic—have slowly come to be recuperated and legitimised as part of the story of British democracy. However, this discursive shift cannot be straightforwardly celebrated as a progressive move in representations of women’s movements, as Davison is frequently invoked to delegitimise contemporary feminism. Our analysis charts the extent to which Davison has been visible (or not) in newspapers through different historical periods; the specific ways in which Davison’s image was transformed along with broader changes in women’s status; and it considers the political implications of these (in)visibilities and representations for contemporary feminism.  相似文献   

6.
In 1997, the British Crown Colony Hong Kong will become a specialadministrative region of the People's Republic of China (PRC).Very recent public opinion polls show that the majority of thepopulation in Hong Kong does not approve of this agreement negotiatedbetween the Chinese and the British governments. Instead, arelative majority of the respondents would prefer to maintainthe status quo. Moreover, twelve per cent of the populationanticipates today not to be living in Hong Kong in the year1997. This figure corresponded to a net outflow of no less than670,000 people, of whom a great deal will belong to those whocontribute to Hong Kong's business and workforce éliteof today.  相似文献   

7.
This article surveys a sample of sources of the information about Romania available to British readers in nineteenth century British newspapers and periodicals. It traces first contacts between the Romanian lands and Britain after the union of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia in 1859, then after their independence from the Ottoman Empire. The article highlights an increased Romanian interest in British periodicals, which reported and reviewed Romanian literature and scholarship. The article concludes that nineteenth century British newspapers and periodicals offer a great variety and wealth of new material previously unavailable or unknown to researchers. It also states that only a portion of a large quantity of this material has been indexed and is therefore available via the bibliographic sources mentioned in the article. The author argues for the need of a new and updated British-Romanian bibliography, which can draw on new online resources offering access to thousands of new newspapers and periodical records.  相似文献   

8.
The modern Olympic Games have been regarded as vehicles for governments to use elite athletes to promote soft power agendas and build national cohesion. Adopting textual analysis, the present study examined the global sports events within a specific sociocultural context, by analyzing and comparing the reportage of 2008 and 2012 Summer Olympics in four Hong Kong newspapers. All the news articles were probed to discern pervading themes regarding the Olympic champions as celebrities, and three discursive formations were identified: national heroes, rags-to-riches figures, and stars in the entertainment industry. The findings make visible both the instances that nurture the perception of national identity and Hong Kong media's alternative responses to the party-state's propaganda. Although the Olympics can play a positive role in articulating national pride and fostering national identity, the study also shows the complexities of the construction of Chinese nationalism and patriotism in postcolonial Hong Kong.  相似文献   

9.
Opinion polling has become a common feature in news and public discourse in Hong Kong. This study examines how local newspapers cover popularity polls about the government and its leaders. It is hypothesized that newspapers adhering to different journalistic paradigms would cover such popularity polls differently in terms of the inclusion of methodological information, use of news sources, emphasis on negative versus positive results, treatment of polls conducted by different entities, and use of visual means of representations. A content analysis was conducted on four newspapers which represent the professionalism, populism, and propaganda paradigms, respectively. The results show that there are both similarities and differences in the poll coverage of the newspapers, with the differences mostly corresponding to the differences in journalistic paradigms. The results also point to a number of phenomena about news media in Hong Kong and poll reporting in general.  相似文献   

10.
Di Cui 《亚洲交流杂志》2017,27(6):582-600
The disappearance of Malaysian Airline Flight MH370 attracted high media attention across countries. To explore how news media outlets influence each other in transnational settings, this study focuses on the coverage of MH370 by three major newspapers in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong, and examines the inter-media agenda-setting effect as an indicator of media’s mutual influence. A content analysis of 255 news articles revealed significant correlations among the issue agendas of the 3 newspapers, suggesting the existence of reciprocal, though asymmetrical, influence among the news media in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong. The findings also suggest that news media differ in power and that news media in high-power countries play a key role in shaping the global news agenda.  相似文献   

11.
This paper discusses the establishment of overseas editions by some Hong Kong newspapers under the context of the upcoming political transition of Hong Kong in 1997. These overseas editions are viewed as econo‐cultural spin‐off to tap the ‘yacht immigrants’ outflowing from Hong Kong. Various factors involved in the establishment of these overseas editions, as well as their effects and implications are also explored. The Ming Pao's recently established Canada editions are chosen as a case to contrast with the earlier established Sing Tao and World Journal.  相似文献   

12.
<正> 粤港关系密切,文化同源。自辛亥革命起,广东人口大量迁移香港,当中不乏前清翰林、前国民政府之军政要员及书香世代之硕学鸿儒。他们到港或开坛讲学、作育英才,或结社唱酬、谈文说艺,或搜集文献、钻研学问,莫不以倡教化、开民智、兴艺文为志业,于香港留下大量宝贵的文化遗产。  相似文献   

13.
Hong Kong has always been regarded as a critical region of Cultural China. Surprisingly, traditional Chinese medicine has not yet been accepted as legitimate in the city. This study uses acupuncture as a case to investigate the way media texts work to organize a field of knowledge and practices about health in a post-colonial society where contrasting perspectives and hybrid ideas rooted from the East and the West intermingle. Acupuncture is conceptualized as socially constructed health knowledge that has become increasingly legitimate in media discourse. Through a mixed-method approach that combines discourse and content analysis, a total of 666 news articles related to acupuncture published in two Hong Kong newspapers over a 10-year period were analyzed. Three major forms of discursive construction of legitimation – authorization, rationalization, and moral evaluation – were identified and elaborated in association with the texts and the social contexts. This study reveals a complex process of generating legitimacy for health knowledge through news narratives.  相似文献   

14.
香港的报纸煽情味越来越浓烈 ,逐渐弱化了“社会公器”的功能 ,更多的是为商业利益所驱动 ,这种功能与利益的冲突产生的原因在于固守产生于自由主义哲学观基础上的新闻自由观、一味迎合读者的感官刺激需求、把报纸当作单纯的赚钱工具  相似文献   

15.
港台图书具有一定的特殊性,本文从语言文字、词汇版式、语译标引等差异性的角度出发,指出港台图书在分类标引过程中的问题,并在对具体问题进行分析的基础上,提出港台图书正确分类编目的途径和方法。  相似文献   

16.
港台图书具有一定的特殊性,作者结合工作实践,通过对港台图书的字形和语言表述差异的描述分析了港台中文图书与内地中文图书的差异性,从出版发行项、版本项和价格等方面的数据著录和主题、分类标引等方面,对港台图书分编过程中出现的问题进行分析,并提出解决的方法,目的是提高港台图书文献编目效率和质量。  相似文献   

17.
港澳地区受西方文化影响较大,其所形成的多元文化特征在图书馆网站主页的设计思想、服务理念和发展目标等方面有明显地体现,许多做法值得内地图书馆学习和借鉴。  相似文献   

18.
As Hong Kong prepares for a political transition in 1997, neither the existing colonial British government nor the impending People's Republic of China (PRC) has established a strong historical foundation for political trust within the territory. In this study, we examine the level of distrust towards the existing and future political regimes, as well as attitudes towards Hong Kong's future. Based on a representative telephone survey of Hong Kong residents (N = 512), we find a high degree of political distrust among respondents, particularly towards the PRC administration. Although initial bivariate analyses establish some association between distrust and media exposure, channel preference, and demographic variables, further multivariate analyses suggest that many of these factors are highly interrelated. One central finding is that among men and those with middle to high socio‐economic status, television news exposure is associated with trust in the PRC. Conversely, women and younger people tend to distrust the PRC, regardless of their news exposure.  相似文献   

19.
中国现代文学研究网站之构思、建设与展望   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
介绍香港中文大学成立中国研究的背景,概述大学图书馆系统与中国语言及文学系联合提出"中国现代文学研究网站计划"的构思。透过分析中国现代文学的出版数量及不同版本,指出"中国现代文学"作为一个学科而言,在在须要整合散见各处的研究资料。中国现代文学作家的著述资料,散见不同的图书馆及个别书目文献书籍,部分作家如鲁迅,不论单行本或全集皆版本繁多,该文将探讨如何利用中国现代文学研究网站,建立一站式資讯平台,提供单行本、期刊论文、报刊文章、学位论文等不同类别的中、英、日语的资料,把分散的资料集中及提供书目分类浏览,以至按不同作家特色制作专题书目,以利学者作进一步的研究。  相似文献   

20.
In the early twentieth century, American newspapers enjoyed high circulations while presenting readers with diverse and plentiful content. After 1920, radio broadcasting made even more information available for public consumption, giving audience members an abundant range of media choices. During a time of plenty for readers and listeners, companies in the business of media struggled with the opposite problem: scarcity. As the amount of media content proliferated, the practical ability to disseminate it was determined by the access to scarce resources, and this was true for both radio broadcasting and newspaper publishing. In many respects, the history of the American mass media in the early twentieth century might best be told as a tale of two scarcities, one—the electromagnetic spectrum—defined by absolute limits and the other—the newsprint—defined by access to markets for a particular material, the supply of which often fluctuated in availability and price.  相似文献   

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