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1.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(1):101-115
This study concerns Jewish clandestine radio broadcasting from the late 1930s through 1948 in Palestine under the British Mandate and briefly after the creation of Israel as a state. Concerned about security during this period, the United Kingdom had a policy of controlling information as much as possible. In 1936, the Mandate Authority created a local radio station modeled after the BBC's domestic service, but neither Jewish nor Arab political organizations had an electronic outlet for their specific points of view. Although it was impossible to stem the circulation of underground printed information, the British tried to stop the illegal radio stations operated by various Jewish organizations. This research reviews both the nature of the Hebrew‐language operation and the efforts of the British forces to stop them. 相似文献
2.
Hilde Hein 《Curator: The Museum Journal》2003,46(3):263-275
Jews have lived in comparative peace with their neighbors in North Africa for millennia. In the last century, however, political forces have altered an ancient live‐and‐let‐live ethos. A Peace Corps volunteer who began work at the Museum of Moroccan Judaism—the only Jewish museum in the Arab world—just before the attacks on the World Trade Center in New York describes the shock waves engulfing her small museum and the Jewish communities whose artifacts it shelters. 相似文献
3.
In this study we focus on the film The Siege (1998), as an illustration of how mediated representations of terrorism serve as a vehicle for Orientalist discourse. This text serves as a specific location of struggle and negotiation over interpretations of media characterizations of Arabs, Arab Americans, Muslims, and Islam. First, we focus on how the film represents these communities and the religion textually. Second, we consider news discourse offering critiques of the film by protesting organizations, and the defenses articulated by some of the film's makers. Third, we explore the interpretations of young U.S. viewers as they resonate with competing facets of the text and with public perspectives. Despite the varied possibilities within the text, these interpretations privileged rather than challenged an underlying Orientalist ideology. Still, news media did acknowledge the contestation of dominant discourse, a potential step toward improved portrayals. 相似文献
4.
Since most activists participating in the recent uprisings in Arab countries have been using social media to an unprecedented extent, public analyst and researchers have rushed to reflect on and explain the phenomena, often attributing a ‘change agency’ to social media as such. This argumentative research collects evidence from literature, recent surveys and focus groups in order to contextualize our understanding of the role of social media and its usage in reshaping the Arab government–citizen relationship: Are the traits of social media significant enough to single them out and discuss their specific impact on the government–citizen relationship? Are we well advised to attribute an ‘agency’ of social media in shaping politics and inducing political change? And in view of the actual use of social media: What are the options of containing emerging ‘destructive’ phenomena and ‘improving’ the government–citizen relationship? Answers are outlined to support contextualized design of social media technology and regulation: (1) Arab citizens basically support democratic concepts; however (2) social media as such do not act and therefore do not ‘create’ e.g. democracy; rather (3) social media enable a new political sphere for Arab citizens, nevertheless challenged by realpolitik; and (4) social media need care taking in terms of shaping political communication and shaping the media itself in order to serve well as mediator among citizens and between citizens and government. 相似文献
5.
Lisa Brooten 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):174-191
This study examines the effects of the global discourse of democracy and human rights, and specifically the western emphasis on individual civil and political rights, on the multi-ethnic movement in opposition to the military regime in Burma (Myanmar). The impact of rights discourse on refugees and ethnic minorities from Burma is detailed within the context of changes in international refugee policy and the development of Burmese opposition media. The study demonstrates how narrow interpretations of human rights can act to reinforce stereotypes that create or reify inequalities among the various groups in a multi-party coalition or multi-ethnic state, and calls on political communication researchers and practitioners to attend to the varying and highly contextualized effects of such discourses on marginalized peoples whose perspectives are not normally represented in media. 相似文献
6.
Rafi Mann 《Media History》2013,19(2):169-181
The article discusses the political and public debates in Israel over the appropriateness of a military radio station in a democratic state. The Israeli station was established in 1950 to assist the defense forces in absorbing and educating new Jewish immigrants, but later developed to become one of Israel's major media outlets. Previously unstudied documents reveal that the initiative to launch the station was met with criticism from its early stages; concerns about letting the army run a radio station without public oversight have been raised repeatedly ever since. This research project illustrates the benefits of media historiography as an effective prism for studying wider aspects of societies in which various media organizations operate. It adds, as well, to the historiography of military radio stations around the world. 相似文献
7.
悬置政治-社会层面"不可抗因素"不论,20世纪80年代末以降并迄今方兴未艾,出版、印刷等传统纸质传媒式微,电视、数字、网络等新兴电子传媒汹涌勃兴的同时,介入公共话语、充当社会正义良知代言人的知识分子日渐退隐最终逍遁于无形,之后来者自觉演变分化为学院知识分子和媒介知识分子(或称电视知识分子),即本质上规避道义担当、抛却社会责任的所谓"知道分子"。进一步研究发现,出版、印刷传统纸质传媒与电视、数字、网络等现代电子传媒分别构成了知识分子文化与知道分子文化的重要形式表征,由此揭橥凸显了公共图书馆文献馆藏意义层面长期以来被繁茂芜杂的技术细节所遮蔽着的一个重要事实:纸质印刷文本不仅为知识分子提供了言说空间,而且也在一定意义上建构起了知识分子的反思精神与批判立场;以纸质印刷文本庋藏、传播为己任的公共图书馆,实乃当下"后知识分子时代"知识分子文化传承最具操作可能的重要途径。今日知识分子公共话语集体失语,民众趋之公共图书馆寻觅精神家园,寄望其能肩起道义担当,引领崇高价值。因含此内在独特天然优势,公共图书馆确具民智启蒙、人文引领等道义担当之可能向度。藉此,热闹经年的"全民阅读"活动不再只是驻足于浅表意义层面上的应景运作,而终于找到了自身赖之安身立命的真正魂魄;同理,沸沸扬扬的"公共图书馆精神"、"公共图书馆核心价值"等大而无当之类空泛的理念讨论,也终于找回了自己真正的精髓或归宿。 相似文献
8.
This study explores Facebook users’ management behaviors related to their—and their friends'—political communication via social media, utilizing the concepts of context collapse and self-presentation. A new two-factor measure of Facebook management was developed, pilot tested (N = 139) and implemented in a survey utilizing a national sample (N = 352) of individuals aged 18–29. Results indicated Facebook users are not generally engaging in the strategic management of political disclosures or the political content to which they are exposed. However, as network sizes increase, participants engage in more disclosure behaviors and make greater efforts to manage content exposure. Additionally, participants with strong political beliefs engage in more Facebook management behaviors, possibly indicating an effort to limit cognitive dissonance. 相似文献
9.
以布迪厄的场域理论为出发点,基于对南方Z市政务微信编辑的深度访谈,本文研究认为,政务微信生产实践宜理解为新闻场域与政治场域两种文化逻辑之间的融合与冲突,理解为其间各行动主体之间的博弈。具体地,政务微信的融合形态有四,即,"忠"且"传","忠"而不"传","不忠"而"传","不忠"且"不传"。融合中的冲突性元素源于各自相异的场域逻辑,显现为融合中的行动主体--行政领导与微信编辑--在投入与效果、有为与无为、代际差异三方面的博弈。不过,两大场域在目标上可能的一致性,即,政治安全前提下的市场致效,使得政务新媒体仍存在有机融合的空间。基于此,本文尝试性地将我国政务新媒体实践概括为"博弈性融合"。 相似文献
10.
David M. Ryfe 《Journal of Applied Communication Research》2006,34(1):72-93
In a videotape analysis of five National Issues Forums, I investigate the nature of deliberative talk in small group deliberative settings. I show that deliberative talk in these forums mostly takes the form of storytelling. I argue that storytelling helps participants overcome barriers to deliberation, such as lack of knowledge and the need to manage one's public face in a context that privileges open conflict. Moreover, I show that storytelling also plays an important collective function for groups, allowing them to build a sense of moral community around issues without much explicit conflict or argument. I conclude that greater understanding of storytelling's role in small group deliberation is of benefit both to practitioners who initiate such forums and to the growing number of researchers who study the practice of deliberative democracy. 相似文献
11.
Paul D'Angelo 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):295-310
This article develops a theoretical model consisting of three mechanisms that link metacoverage, a type of election campaign news, to mediatization, a meta-process in which media organizations influence politics. The mechanisms hinge on the point that metacoverage—consisting of both topics and frames—constitutes a rich set of process-oriented cues that influence how campaign organizations adjust to the media logic in the course of performing functions associated with the office-seeking political campaign logic. A case study of 2012 US presidential election news was conducted to illustrate how metacoverage influences campaign strategies. 相似文献
12.
David M. Ryfe 《Journal of Applied Communication Research》2013,41(1):72-93
In a videotape analysis of five National Issues Forums, I investigate the nature of deliberative talk in small group deliberative settings. I show that deliberative talk in these forums mostly takes the form of storytelling. I argue that storytelling helps participants overcome barriers to deliberation, such as lack of knowledge and the need to manage one's public face in a context that privileges open conflict. Moreover, I show that storytelling also plays an important collective function for groups, allowing them to build a sense of moral community around issues without much explicit conflict or argument. I conclude that greater understanding of storytelling's role in small group deliberation is of benefit both to practitioners who initiate such forums and to the growing number of researchers who study the practice of deliberative democracy. 相似文献
13.
Journalists and media organizations are often criticized by politicians, the public, and media scholars for not fulfilling their role in society. This study analyzed 242 codes of ethics in 94 countries to identify journalistic social role as perceived by media organizations. It identified and compared journalistic social roles toward society and toward loci of power, based on each country's geopolitical characteristics and type of media organization. Findings indicated a rather consensual perception of journalistic role around the world and across media organizations: neutral, detached from society and defensive—but not adversary—toward the loci of power. Findings also highlighted the control media organizations have in shaping these roles. 相似文献
14.
Rebecca de Souza 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(4):477-493
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are deeply embedded within the socio-political landscape of India. NGOs were instituted by the Indian government specifically for the purpose of nation-building at the time of national independence in 1947 (Muttalib, 1987). In recent times however, NGOs have come under much scrutiny because of the expanding neoliberal agenda, and global discourse surrounding NGOs often involves questions of accountability. Communication scholars have studied NGOs in various contexts, but what remains unexplored is the question of how NGOs are portrayed within the media, which in contemporary society constitutes the public sphere or space of public opinion. It is important to look at the media because public legitimacy can have serious consequences for an NGO's ability to garner funds, influence policy, and build trust in beneficiary communities. This study thus asks the research question: How are NGOs framed in the Indian media? A qualitative analysis was employed to identify news frames or ‘interpretive packages’ used to talk about NGOs in two of the most widely-circulated English daily newspapers in India. The analysis identified four frames: the ‘do-good’ frame, protest frame, partner frame, and the public accountability frame. The findings show that, for the most part, NGOs are represented in a positive and even a nationalistic light, in spite of the larger global discourse interrogating NGO practices. The discussion elaborates on institutional, political, and historical reasons why NGOs are portrayed favorably in the newspapers. 相似文献
15.
Gerhard Bissels Sabine D. Klein Isabelle de Kaenel 《Health information and libraries journal》2019,36(4):372-377
The feature is a part of the series about medical library services in various countries. It gives an overview of medical library services to support research, education and clinical practice in Switzerland. Data were collected by means of an online survey and set in the wider context of the Swiss healthcare system. Key findings are that library services, including support by academic librarians, are provided to health care staff in hospitals – both university and others, while there is no information service infrastructure to serve the large number of GPs and specialists who mostly run their own practice. The authors recommend that – if the health authorities take EBM seriously – information services should be introduced for these small practices. J.M. 相似文献
16.
Erin K. Knight Gregory D. Benjamin Danilo Yanich 《Journal of Applied Communication Research》2016,44(3):256-274
Despite what experts know about the importance of social determinants of health (SDOH), poor health is generally understood by the public as an individual problem ameliorated through lifestyle and/or healthcare. To remedy this knowledge gap and promote policy change, public health professionals are investing in media advocacy to raise public awareness about SDOH and promote collective responsibility for health improvement. However, policy theory suggests this may be insufficient. More attention to the role of professional communities, as mediators of research translation and important policy actors, is warranted. We conducted a content analysis of news articles published by the American Public Health Association and found substantial attention to SDOH. However, the discourse was more biomedical than expected given the evidence regarding the relative importance of the major categories of health determinants. This may be a barrier to policy change and detract from the field’s efforts to promote political action. 相似文献
17.
Donica Mensing 《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2017,24(2):238-250
While useful in establishing U.S. public media, the Public Broadcasting Act of 1967 is an imperfect instrument for moving public radio to a secure future. Policies governing public broadcasting are insufficient to address the economic, political, social, and technological changes upending media organizations, both commercial and non-commercial. The urgent need is for more flexible structural arrangements as public radio and public television stations merge, partner with non-profit media entities, and seek funding that builds on the strength of the local public radio network as well as responds to the demand for imaginative, on-demand content from national networks. 相似文献
18.
Kay Richardson 《The Communication Review》2013,16(4):481-498
Authenticity is an awkward concept to use in relation to contemporary broadcast political discourse. Not only are political speakers constantly challenged on the authenticity of their performance by their opponents and by journalists: there is also, and perhaps as a result of this, widespread skepticism from the general public. This article reviews the performance of a number of political actors in British public life—Jeffrey Archer, Tony Blair, John Gummer—with particular reference to the identities and claims they sought to promote, in virtue of which their authenticity was called into question. 相似文献
19.
This study examined two levels of media agenda effects on aggregatepublic opinion from different news sources. The effects wereinvestigated immediately and cumulatively. Content analysisdata from the 2000 U.S. presidential election coverage by fournational news organizations were related to the Gallup pre-electionpoll standings of each candidate. Regression analyses foundthat both the salience of a candidate and the salience of theattributes of a candidate cumulatively, but not immediately,influenced his standing in the polls. An analysis of news sourcessupported the finding that the two levels of agenda-settingeffects seemed mostly cumulative rather than immediate. Newsfrom different sources, however, tended to have effects of differentdegrees and sometimes different directions on candidate pollstandings. Cumulative effects of candidate salience on aggregateopinion change were found for non-partisan and neutral newssources—reporters, poll reporting and public documents—whereasthe effects of candidate attribute salience mostly came frompartisan sources—the candidate himself and members ofthe competing political party. Possible political implicationsof these findings are discussed. 相似文献
20.
This case study analyzed Twitter posts from the #JusticeForBradsWife campaign against the Cracker Barrel (CB) restaurant chain. Participants in the counterinstitutional movement employed diverse message strategies of humor and resistance in using social media as a site for discourse. Thematic analysis of the most influential users revealed humor strategies including: connecting to popular culture, political comic relief and using hyperbole. Participants’ resistance strategies included: making calls for action, critiquing CB products and business partners, attacking CB patrons, critiquing CB’s social media management, and offers of support from outside organizations. These strategies reflected collective trolling, where trolling behaviors created a hidden and public hybrid form of collective resistance from nontraditional stakeholders who had contradictory goals. Implications and directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献