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1.
Journalists and media organizations are often criticized by politicians, the public, and media scholars for not fulfilling their role in society. This study analyzed 242 codes of ethics in 94 countries to identify journalistic social role as perceived by media organizations. It identified and compared journalistic social roles toward society and toward loci of power, based on each country's geopolitical characteristics and type of media organization. Findings indicated a rather consensual perception of journalistic role around the world and across media organizations: neutral, detached from society and defensive—but not adversary—toward the loci of power. Findings also highlighted the control media organizations have in shaping these roles. 相似文献
2.
Duncan Koerber 《Media History》2013,19(2):125-138
It has been well documented that forms of media help create new communities, such as the public sphere and the nation. However, the origin of one major political institution has rarely been considered in this light: the political party. This paper brings together the theory on early party formation in North America and the theory on mediated communities to argue that the first public political organizations in Canada, which resembled modern parties in many ways, should be seen as constituted by the media. The paper presents the case of Upper Canada (1820–1841) where newspaper distribution linked partisans into new communities, and editors and politicians ‘imagined’ new political communities in the pages of their newspapers. Modern political parties should thus be seen as essentially mediated communities. 相似文献
3.
In light of the media industry’s growing focus on audience engagement, this article explores how online and offline forms of engagement unfold within journalism, based on a comparative case study of two American public media newsrooms. This study addresses gaps in the literature by (1) examining what engagement means for public media and (2) applying the concept of reciprocal journalism to evaluate the nature of reciprocity (direct, indirect, or sustained) in the give-and-take between journalists and their communities. Drawing on direct observation and in-depth interviews, this article shows how this emerging focus on engagement is driven by public media journalists’ desire to make their relationship with the public more enduring and mutually beneficial. We find that such journalists privilege offline modes of engagement (e.g., listening sessions and partnerships with local organizations) in hopes of building trust and strengthening ties with their community, more so than digital modes of engagement (e.g., social media) that are more directly tied to news publishing. Moreover, this case study reveals that public media organizations, in and through their engagement efforts, are distinguishing between the communities they cover in their reporting and the audiences they reach with their reporting. 相似文献
4.
Keith Joseph Zukas 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(3):427-449
The dominance of political communication over an issue like wind energy has the power to overwhelm attempts to frame wind farming as a scientific or environmental issue in the mediated public sphere. Using regulation as the primary newsmaker, politicians instead of scientists or environmental organizations become journalists’ sources in framing the issue. Wind energy is a special issue that is framed in unique ways due to environmental, political, and industry ties. Contest framing ensues between institutional stakeholders to win favorable media coverage. Through a sociological lens, this analysis examines how contemporary political communications continue to influence the media through professional routines and relationships even in a scientifically grounded industry during a surge of public environmentalism. Comparisons of political, energy industry, and environmental advocacy communications show that political and energy industry frames dominate newspaper coverage of energy issues even when environmental and scientific issues are inherent to the story. 相似文献
5.
Tom Morton 《Journalism Practice》2016,10(1):18-34
The public interest is commonly presumed to be fundamental to the practice of journalism. Journalists and the media organizations for which they work routinely assume that they are able to identify what is in the public interest, and act accordingly. This article explores notions of the public interest in the context of a particular case study, that of Sharleen Spiteri, an HIV-positive sex worker who appeared on the Australian national current affairs television programme 60 Minutes in 1989 and admitted that she sometimes had unprotected sex with clients. As a consequence of the ensuing wave of moral panic, she was forcibly detained in a locked AIDS ward and a mental asylum. After she was released she was kept under 24-hour surveillance for the remaining 15 years of her life. In 2010, the authors of this article produced a radio documentary for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation about Sharleen Spiteri's case. The authors argue that her story raises some important and difficult questions for the ethical practice of journalism. They analyse the role of journalists and politicians involved in Sharleen's case, and show that their belief that they were acting in the public interest played into well-established historical narratives linking sex workers with disease and dissolution, with disastrous consequences for Sharleen herself. The authors argue that a more reflexive and responsible conception of the public interest for journalists requires them to pay more careful attention to the voices and perspectives of people who are excluded from participation in the public sphere. 相似文献
6.
社交媒体信息是网络时代人类实践活动的重要记录,是社会记忆的特殊组成部分。鉴于社交媒体平台的不稳定性,如果不对有价值的社交媒体信息进行合理保存,宝贵的公共历史与记忆资源就有可能消失。国家综合档案馆作为公共信息机构,有必要积极开展与参与社交媒体信息的存档实践,发挥相应的作用。国家综合档案馆应成为政务社交媒体信息存档工作的责任主体,在其中充当主导者的角色;应在非政务社交媒体信息存档中扮演协助者与参与者的角色,为个人或组织的社交媒体信息存档行为提供指导与帮助。 相似文献
7.
《Journal of Media Economics》2013,26(4):241-258
This article argues the need for a theory of the media firm. Universal theories of management and context-dependent contingency theories of management control are identified. Other theoretical approaches to media organizations are reviewed: media management, theories of not-for-profit organizations, and theories of political management. The contribution to the theory of the media firm by 2 French scientists is analyzed-Bourdieu and Debray. This article concludes that a theory of the public service media firm needs to use several building blocks, some with relatively well-known sources, some with more recent origins. Avenues for further research are indicated, which may add angles to the development of a theory of managment in the public service media firm. 相似文献
8.
Timothy A. Gibson 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(4):283-304
Local disputes over land use and urban development generate some of the most heated struggles in American politics. Yet the role of local media organizations in covering debates over urban development has been woefully understudied by media scholars. To address this soft spot in the critical media literature, this article offers an investigation of how the local press covered a particularly bitter debate over one urban redevelopment proposal in Seattle during the mid‐1990s. Drawing on Hallin, who predicts that reporters will abandon professional codes of neutrality and balance when they perceive the political field to be unified around a single position, an examination of sourcing patterns in the Seattle case suggests that local reporters cover debates over urban development from a spurious assumption of “consensus”—an assumption that privileges the voices of downtown business leaders and pro‐development public officials. A concluding section offers suggestions for future investigation into the intersection of local media and urban development politics, drawing particularly on Bourdieu's notion of “symbolic capital” to explore how such presumptions of consensus are cultivated, maintained, and contested within the local public sphere. 相似文献
9.
The Swedish civil defence organizations have a long tradition of balancing their messages to the public through diverse media use. Over the course of the early Cold War, however, the political and technical circumstances of the civil defence organizations changed, rendering old methods from the 1930s obsolete. To keep their relevance, the narratives of the civil defence organizations had to be carefully remodelled in accordance with the current situation, obscuring some facts while stressing others more clearly. By operationalizing the concept of media system, this article examines how the Swedish civil defence organizations used the media, broadly defined, to deal with the two main narratives that their practical work was based upon: urban destruction as war unfolds, and the safety of air-raid shelters. The article shows how these narratives were constructed and connected between various media, but also their changing and dynamic character over time. Over the course of the 1940s and 1950s, the narrative of urban destruction changed from a concrete to an abstract mediation, while the narrative of sheltered salvation took an opposite direction. 相似文献
10.
Chaim Noy 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2016,33(4):308-323
The move from “old” to “new” media centrally involves a shift in participatory possibilities, through which individuals and communities differentially access and populate the public sphere, assume voice, and partake in open discussion and debate. This paper offers a rich ethnographic case study of new participatory media in the shape of commenting systems in museums. By portraying the similarities and the differences in communicative affordances between two museum media—traditional visitor books, on the one hand, and a digital and immersive interface, on the other hand—light is shed on how media invite and intervene in possibilities for public participation. Furthermore, with their emphasis on visual design and display, studying participatory public media in museums helps highlight the semiotic construction of the public sphere as such, and how the notion of the public and laypersons’ contributions are materially displayed. Analysis of communicative affordances reveals the politics of remediation, and supports recent hesitations with regard to the promise of newer and “smarter” media: digital media affords more interaction than their analogue predecessors, but participatory content-production via analogue media is found to be discursively richer on a number of grounds. 相似文献
11.
Mark Hampton 《Media History》2013,19(3):239-246
During the first half of the twentieth century, colonial rule in the Indonesian archipelago was an important marker of international prestige for the Netherlands, which was merely a small power on the European continent, carefully guarding its neutral status against the Great Powers. After World War I, there was growing concern amongst several groups in Dutch society about criticism of the colonial regime in the foreign press. This article considers three organizations that aimed to set up an international information service about the Dutch East Indies in the 1920s. Although private individuals ran these organizations, they had close links with the authorities in The Hague and Batavia, indicating the emergence of a controlled media environment. Moreover, despite the fact that people involved preferred to use neutral terms to describe their activities, they aimed to provide the international public with propaganda supporting the Dutch colonial regime. 相似文献
12.
通过分析公共权力、公共事务、公共需要、公共物品、公共领域等概念之间的公共性的关联,剖析图书馆在各种公共性视角中的表现,从而,剥离出图书馆的公共性谱系,作为在社会活动层面上研究图书馆学的基础概念。 相似文献
13.
The pursuit of media diversity as a policy goal finds its foundation in First Amendment values which assume that the public welfare requires broad dissemination of information from diverse and antagonistic sources. Using 5 waves of panel data collected during the 2008 presidential campaign in the U.S., this article empirically examines the assumption that seeking diverse and antagonistic viewpoints reflects good citizenship. The results suggest that heavy consumption of liberal and conservative viewpoints together leads to higher levels of political knowledge, but suppresses political participation. The role of news media use in democratic citizenship might depend on quantity as well as on diversity. 相似文献
14.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(2):80-83
Radio stations were organized in Europe during the 1920s as state‐regulated public service institutions. Contrary to the model in the U.S., radio thus was embedded in the cultural and political spheres and accordingly kept outside of the market forces, although some countries allowed limited advertising. Radio's role as a national service faced increasing legitimation problems, and in most Western European countries, local radio was introduced as a divergence measure to balance political and cultural convergence of national radio. Generally, local radio activities were initially an attempt to revitalize a vivid public sphere. This article describes the development in the Scandinavian countries, where local radio developed in different ways with a rather strong commercial component that filled the “commercial deficit”; resulting from public service policies and a rather fragile component of noncommercial community stations. Although the structural development in many ways showed a different pattern than expected and wanted, local radio will have an ever greater role to play in a globalized media and information society. 相似文献
15.
Maria A. Simone 《The Communication Review》2013,16(2):120-139
This article applies a network metaphor to an examination of the mediated public sphere. The analysis focuses on the deliberative spaces afforded by traditional and alternative media technologies, concluding that participatory digital technologies best support interactive and adaptable networks for deliberation. These networks sustain enclave and shared nodes where multiple publics can engage in deliberation within and across public boundaries. This argument informs decisions regarding broadband policy by focusing attention on values of openness, access, and freedom. 相似文献
16.
媒介舆论:在各种权力与公众之间——兼论公共舆论向媒介舆论的转向 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
本文通过对公共舆论形成条件和形成过程的梳理,认为伴随着公共领域的转型,公共舆论的本质已经发生了变化。在一定层面上,被社会所感知的舆论实际上是媒介舆论。作为一种自为意见的表达体系,媒介舆论上是国家政治权力、经济权力、媒介和公众利益搏弈、平衡的结果,表现出现实的真实性。 相似文献
17.
Mette Mortensen 《Journalism Practice》2015,9(4):536-551
The proliferation of camera phones over the past decade has created an unprecedented landslide of visual information in the online public sphere, transforming the form and amount of communication in relation to crisis events. International research on this subject has primarily centered on the way in which the production and dissemination of eyewitness images convert mainstream media's coverage of crisis. This article broadens the perspective by focusing on eyewitness images in relation to “conflictual media events.” The article contributes to discussions on the definition of conflictual media events in today's mediatized and connective media environment, which has undergone radical changes from the era of mass media hegemony when Daniel Dayan and Elihu Katz first outlined media events. The article further examines the ways in which the circulation of eyewitness images erodes established boundaries between experts and laymen and between professionals and non-professionals in relation to conflictual media events. The bombing of the Boston Marathon in April 2013 constitutes the empirical point of departure. 相似文献
18.
《Qualitative Research Reports in Communication》2013,14(1):60-70
The currently popular emphasis on democratic discussion in the “public sphere” often is critically viewed by observers commenting on issues of participation, empowerment, and efficacy without input from influentials, whose voices often are the content of public debates. Habermas was critical of the quality of democratic discourse, arguing for an “ideal speech situation” where participants are free to question all proposals; introduce proposals; and express their attitudes, wishes, and needs. This article examines perceptions of the climate of communication in the public sphere by influentials and the general public of a major urban area. 相似文献
19.
Frederick Thomas Attenborough 《The Communication Review》2018,21(3):228-251
This article argues for the analysis of public engagement as an essentially mediated activity. Although recent studies note that academic knowledge is increasingly available for consumption by nonacademic audiences, they tell us little about how it gets recontextualized while passing through the hands of media professionals on its way toward such audiences. In Burawoy’s (2005) influential call for the rebirth of public sociology, as in the debates his work provoked, the media is treated solely as a means for the transportation of knowledge. But as this article demonstrates, the media does not simply transport knowledge; it also, and at the same time, translates that knowledge in various, rhetorically consequential ways. Focusing on the mediated trajectory of an attempt by a group of academics to connect with audiences beyond academia, their initial contribution is compared to its subsequent translation(s) across various British newspapers. A discursive analysis reveals the techniques via which a classic form of public sociology came to be recontextualized such that, remarkably, these authors were left appearing to voice nothing but their own petty prejudices. The article concludes by noting that where public engagement involves mediation, public sociology should pay more attention to the recontextualizing affordances of media discourse. 相似文献
20.
国外对于传媒与政治信任的关系有不少重要的研究,其研究的焦点集中在传媒是否对公众的政治信任有负面影响上,不少学者持"媒体抑郁论"的观点。但这种观点不断被检验,研究者发现不同传媒变量对不同层次政治信任的影响各不相同。国内在传媒与政治信任方面的研究比较缺乏。该领域的研究可以考虑综合运用质化、量化的研究方法、关注新媒体与政治信任之关系,以及探讨中国传媒与政治信任的关系。 相似文献