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1.
William L. Benoit 《Communication Studies》2013,64(3):274-295
This study applied the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to 118 political advertisements (television spots, newspaper ads, direct mail, and WWW pages) from 1998. Acclaims (self‐praise; positive statements) were the most common function (84%), followed by attacks (criticism, negative statements; 15%). Defenses (refutation of attacks) were relatively infrequent (1%). There were some differences by medium (WWW pages had the most acclaims, while television spots had the most attacks; no defenses occurred on WWW pages or in direct mail) but these functions are consistent both across media and with prior research on presidential campaign advertising. Incumbents produced more acclaims than challengers, who attacked more than incumbents. Finally, policy utterances were more common than character utterances in all media but www pages. The overall consistency in Junctions and topics across media and across levels of campaigns (presidential and non‐presidential) strongly suggests the existence of important situational influences on political campaign advertising. These findings can be useful for practitioners, theorists, and critics of campaign discourse. 相似文献
2.
William A. Benoit 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(1):39-48
This study investigates televised spots by Clinton and Dole in 1996. It extends Burke's concept of identification (positive messages) to include attempts to create division (attacks), and explores the rhetorical and textual bases of these appeals. Burke's concept of identification, as operationalized here, permits insights into the nature of these spots that cannot be obtained from traditional analyses of advertisements. Surprisingly for political discourse, neither candidate used explicit identification. The incumbent Clinton used more identification than challenger Dole, who used more division. Clinton attempted to use policy more than Dole, whereas Dole focused more on character. Both campaigns attempted to identify and divide through association with groups and individuals. 相似文献
3.
News coverage of elections is a popular topic in mass and political communication research. Studies of this tradition usually focus on news articles and neglect another important element of news content: news photographs. In this study, newspaper photographs of presidential candidates in the United States and Taiwan were compared. Generally, US candidates were more likely to be portrayed as a beloved leader, at leisure, from the side or back, looking determined, as a leader and follower, standing or walking, and with cheering crowds. Candidates in Taiwan were more likely to be depicted in a ‘glad-to-see-you’ pose, with a camera angle looking down, with no expression, as an equal to others in the same photograph, and with inattentive people. How political and cultural differences between these two countries may have contributed to such variations was also discussed in this study. 相似文献
4.
This study investigated the nature of direct mail advertising, a commonly used but little studied form of political campaign communication. 715 brochures were content analyzed employing the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse and Issue Ownership Theory. Acclaims were more common than attacks, which in turn were more frequent than defenses. Primary campaign pamphlets used more acclaims and fewer attacks than general campaign brochures. Democrats used more attacks and fewer acclaims than Republicans. In the general campaign, incumbent party candidates acclaimed more and attacked less than challengers. Incumbents were also prone to use past deeds to acclaim more, and attack less, than challengers. Incumbents tended to use future plans to acclaim more, and attack less, than challengers. Winners used more acclaims and fewer attacks than losers. Overall, direct mail brochures discussed policy more than character. Democrats discussed policy more and character less than Republicans. Democrats discussed Democratic issues more, and Republican issues less, than Republicans. Incumbent party candidates discussed policy more, and character less, than challengers. Winners discussed policy more, and character less, than losers. Winners attacked more on policy, and less on character, than losers. Similarities and differences between direct mail advertising and other message forms were discussed. 相似文献
5.
Chingching Chang 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):1-17
This study applies Hall's (1977) culture‐context theory and Hofstede's (1991) individualistic/collectivistic aspects of cultural differences to understand how content and appeals of political advertising in Taiwan and the US differ. The aspects examined included the presence of direct and indirect attacks, the presentation of issues, types of settings, and the use of metaphors, symbols, and songs. Analyses showed that most of the findings were consistent with cultural expectations. 相似文献
6.
This study examines cultural similarities and differences in strategies of refusal by presenting realistic request scenarios which manipulate levels of imposition of the request, the amount of obligation to the requestee as well as the relational closeness. Differences in self‐reported refusal strategies between Chinese in Taiwan and Americans were assessed across four conditions. It was hypothesized that obligation and relational closeness would determine whether or not Chinese in Taiwan would refuse and that they would be likely to select less assertive refusal strategies while US subjects would generally find it easier to refuse using more assertive strategies regardless of obligation or relational closeness. Subjects were asked to judge what was the most important value for them in each of four situations. These outcomes were compared with scores on Markus and Kitayama's (1991) interdependence/independence scale to test hypotheses about how Taiwan and US subjects would be likely to behave. Several unexpected findings based on culture and gender were observed in the study. This study suggests that refusal is a much more complex behaviour than we expected for both US culture and that of Taiwan. 相似文献
7.
This study analyzes the progress of copyright enforcement in Taiwan in the period from 1985 to 2000. As a rapidly industrializing region, Taiwan has faced significant pressure from its international trade partners to improve intellectual property protection. This pressure has been strongest from the United States, Taiwan's largest partner. Analysis of the progress of intellectual property protection in Taiwan provides an opportunity to learn more about the dynamics of intellectual property policy development in developing countries, and the impact of U.S. actions on internal IP politics and cultural development. The paper will survey the significant milestones in Taiwanese copyright policy development over the last two decades and conclude with a conceptual model that can be tested by analysis of other case studies of cross-jurisdiction intellectual property relationships. 相似文献
8.
The diffusion of international television programs has been an important area of international communication research. In this article, we use theoretical constructs from country-of-origin and cultural proximity literatures and develop a model to explain audience's attitudes toward and willingness to watch imported television programs from China. Our study used a questionnaire survey method to collect data from 553 respondents in Taiwan. We examined television programs imported from China, a country that has tried to invade Taiwan to destroy its democracy in the past decades. Regression analyses found that, whereas cultural proximity was an important predictor, animosity turned out to be a more powerful predictor of Taiwanese audience's attitudes toward television programs from China. The results also demonstrated that if the Taiwanese audience perceived China as holding less animosity and more cultural proximity, they had more positive attitudes and were more willing to watch television programs imported from China. 相似文献
9.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(4):296-310
Citizens can gain a better understanding of the important issues of a campaign and where candidates stand on those issues from three primary sources: direct candidate-to-citizen mass media messages (e.g., political advertisements, debates), news (e.g., newspapers, television news), or discussion with fellow citizens. The current study conducted a secondary analysis of 1996 American National Election Study (ANES) data to replicate Brians and Wattenberg's (1996) findings concerning the relative influence of political advertisements, television news use, and newspaper use on voter issue knowledge and salience in the 1992 United States presidential campaign. We also analyzed two additional communication information sources, general political discussion and debate viewing. The effects of political advertisement recall, television news viewing, and newspaper use replicated across election studies. General political discussion was found to affect both issue knowledge and salience, and when introduced into the regression analyses nullifies the predictive power of political advertisement recall for knowledge. Talk's influence on salience wanes in subsequent analyses. Viewing the first debate was a strong predictor of issue knowledge, but was not associated with issue salience. Advertisement recall maintained predictive power for issue salience even after taking into account the other four information sources, and watching the second debate also predicted salience. The combination of results presents evidence that candidate-to-citizen and citizen-to-citizen communication play unique roles in determining levels of issue knowledge and salience. 相似文献
10.
Congressional elections are crucial to the American political system and candidates spend millions of dollars seeking votes with television spots. Unfortunately, the literature in this area is a hodgepodge of studies (with different methods and samples) rather than a comprehensive analysis of congressional television advertising. This study utilized the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to content analyze 744 television spots for House and Senate candidates from 1980–2004. Candidate discourse in these spots employed acclaiming (positive) strategies much more frequently than attacking (negative) or defending (refutational) strategies. Unlike discourse in presidential campaigns, congressional TV spots tend to place equal emphasis on policy and character (although since 1992 the emphasis has been on policy). Democrats tend to attack more and to discuss policy more than their counterparts. Incumbents acclaimed more and attacked less than challengers, whereas open-seat candidates have a style that lies between these two extremes. Open-seat candidates discuss past deeds less frequently than incumbents or challengers, both of whom tend to rely on the incumbent's record to attack (challengers) or to acclaim (incumbents). 相似文献
11.
Our study was motivated by the fact that, despite the increasing pervasiveness of political advertising in the political process of many democracies, little empirical research has been conducted to unveil common patterns or crucial differences of political spots across cultural boundaries. Our study thus provided one opportunity to gain better understanding and insights into how media phenomena are related to cultural orientation by comparing and contrasting the content of political spots across the United States and South Korea. In particular, this study analyzed verbal components of political spots in both US and Korean presidential elections over the past 20 years. To the extent that clear differences exist between American and Korean cultural patterns, political spots, which are a conspicuous indicator of cultural values, appear to manifest these differences quite strongly. The findings of this study provide evidence that political advertising primarily reflects the uniqueness of indigenous cultures. 相似文献
12.
Using a sample of 99 political advertisements from 1990 statewide and federal elections, a content analysis was employed to test whether negative political advertisements exhibited a normative style. Results indicated that negative political advertisements were remarkably similar in substance and style, indicating a normative advertising form. The authors suggest that negative advertisements are used more to “blunt” an opponent's chance of winning the election than to promote the sponsoring candidate's own images or characteristics with their constituency. 相似文献
13.
Joseph Man Chan 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):134-167
This paper first analyses the communication research environment in Hong Kong in regard to its socio‐political context, the media industry and more direct factors such as research freedom, financial‐institutional support, incentives, size and quality of trained personnel While the overall environment is facilitative, the small size of the research community in Hong Kong is limiting the volume of research output and scope of specialization. In reviewing researches in the last decade, it is found that commercial researches are generally more concerned about opinion distribution and media consumption. Government policy researches‐centre around media evaluations, preferences, programme standards and other regulatory issues. Academics pay most attention to political communication, international communication and, less so, information technology. As to future research, the author argues for more frequent use of longitudinal and comparative methods, the search for an original theoretical contribution to communication, an urban research agenda in development communication, the study of dependent communication development, interaction between mass media and political formation, regional cultural integration, advertising, media management, information technology and policy. The establishment of a communication policy forum is also called for to promote exchanges among academics, policy‐makers, media practitioners and interest groups. The expansion of the research community in Hong Kong hinges on successful faculty recruitment, the establishment of a doctoral communication programme and the relief of some staffs teaching overload. 相似文献
14.
Hyoungkoo Khang 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):47-63
This study intends to examine the representation of cultural values through the presidential candidate debates of the US and South Korea. A content analysis of the videostyles of debates in these two countries showed that political debates seemed to manifest differences in cultural values at large due to their nature as conspicuous indicators of cultural values. By examining specific verbal components of the debates, however, this study revealed that the nature of presidential debates might actually overpower cultural norms, which are likely to be embedded in debates. These findings imply that by imitating campaign practice developments in the US, many countries are transitioning to media-centered democracies in which various forms of mass media, particularly television, technological innovations, and political marketing approaches, have grown to play a significant role in influencing and changing the nature of electoral communication and other political practices around the globe. 相似文献
15.
This study examined the role of communication in the adaptation of Hispanic youth to the dominant cultural values and practices embodied in US American public schools. Seven hypotheses predicted positive interrelationships among four theoretical constructs identified in Y. Y. Kim's integrative theory of communication and cross-cultural adaptation: host communication competence, host interpersonal communication, psychological health, and functional fitness. Structured, closed-ended questions were administered in face-to-face interviews with 112 Hispanic adolescents in the upper Midwestern United States. Structural equation modeling results supported all seven hypotheses, indicating Hispanic youth with greater host communication competence were more actively engaged in host interpersonal communication and enjoyed greater psychological health and functional fitness with respect to US public schools and the larger US society. 相似文献
16.
Liang Jiang 《亚洲交流杂志》2018,28(2):135-152
Using data from the 2010 British Election Study and the 2012 Taiwan Election and Democratization Study, this paper investigates the impact of political predispositions on the association between election campaigns and voting choice in Britain and Taiwan. Findings show that the political predispositions of partisanship (strength), political sophistication and election interest do play moderating roles in the association between campaigns and voting choice in Britain and Taiwan. Of these predispositions, the study finds no differences in the moderating roles of partisanship and political sophistication in Britain and Taiwan. However, election interest plays a moderating role differently in Britain and Taiwan. This paper argues that this finding may be attributed to differences in the political contexts of the two democracies. The findings of this study offer new insights into comparative political communication, indicating that the impact of election campaigns depends on individuals’ political predispositions. 相似文献
17.
Thailand's political landscape has changed dramatically during the past five years. The rapid growth of communication technology in Thailand has been instrumental in generating political participation in the national elections of 2001 and 2005. In this article we provide the results of a benchmark study that assesses the early period of this political transformation. Specifically, we examined the use of television and of the Internet for political information by interviewing 500 urban residents. Our results indicate that likely voters actively gathered political knowledge from television advertisements and political party websites. Although use of television and the Internet for political purposes did not increase direct involvement in political parties, it did promote participation in the 2001 national election. Implications of these findings for future research on the use of communication technology for political communication in Asia are discussed. 相似文献
18.
This study investigates the Sino-US difference in the journalistic practice of providing on-air attribution for those interviewed in television news. Through a content analysis, this study compares how CBS News, a premier US TV network, and CCTV, China's most watched network, attributed their interviewees with on-screen name credits (names, titles and affiliations). The findings show that US journalists were more likely to provide on-screen name credits than their Chinese colleagues who, in turn, were more likely to give credits to interviewees who were older, male and government officials. This study should contribute to a better understanding of how cultural values and political ideologies may affect the way interviewees are treated in television news. 相似文献
19.
Graham Knight 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(2):151-175
This study examines US newspaper coverage of sweatshops, focusing on the case study of Nike (1995–2000) and asking how the coverage was structured, how sweatshops were problematized, and how they were explained. We find that while activists established a measure of definitional control over the coverage, it tended to concentrate on solutions rather than causes, and the source of the problem tended to be rooted in the agency of consumers rather than producers. This has implications for explaining how social, political, and cultural issues are transformed into essentially economic problems. 相似文献
20.
This study examined the use of narrative political advertisements during the 2014 midterm elections. A content analysis of 243 ads identified three narratives types: autobiographical, voter stories, and testimonials. Narrative ads were mostly positive and focused almost equally on issues and candidates’ characters. Negative attack ads and anonymous announcers were primarily used by candidates who lost the election, whereas winners employed more often autobiographical spots and included family members in the ads. The growing use of narratives in political advertising as found in the present study suggests that future research should further examine the effects of narrative political ads on individuals. 相似文献