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1.
This study compared newspaper frames of the 2013 Asiana Airlines crash in the three countries involved: the USA, Korea, and China. The results revealed distinct patterns of news coverage under the particular influence of national interests. The responsibility frame was the most frequently used, but the attribution of responsibility varied across the three countries. US newspapers overwhelmingly attributed the causation to pilot error, Korean media framed the causation as being open to multiple explanations, and Chinese newspapers were less likely to speculate about causation before the final official conclusion was reached. US and Korean media maintained a negative tone toward each other, while Chinese newspapers took a similar standpoint as the US media but were slightly less negative toward Korea. Further, divergence of news frames used across countries was associated with the different use of sources by different newspapers across countries. In particular, Korean media indicated reluctance to use US officials and a preference to cite alternative sources which offered diverse opinions regarding the attribution of responsibility. Finally, emotions of the crash stories varied by attributions of causation in Korean but not in the other countries’ news reports. 相似文献
2.
This study analyzes US and South Korean news coverage of the H1N1 pandemic to examine cross-cultural variations in attention cycle patterns, cited sources, and news frames. A content analysis was conducted on 630 articles from US and Korean newspapers during the period of April to October 2009. It found that attention cycle patterns, news frames, and sources varied across the two countries according to professional norms, cultural values, social ideologies, and occurrences of relevant events. While US news coverage showed two phases of waxing and waning attention, Korean news coverage showed five phases. The frames used in US news stories placed more emphasis on attribution of responsibility, action, and reassurance. Other framing variations were found as news attention in each country rose and fell. Regarding sources used, Korean news stories relied more on governmental sources, while US news stories used a greater diversity of sources. This study advances research on variations in the attention cycle for transnational issues by specifying how journalists’ framing of social problems can differ according to the following: cultural factors, the shape of the news attention cycle, and the occurrence of events related to the issue at hand. 相似文献
3.
Andrew Kennis 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(4):386-409
This is a study of US-based print media coverage of the indigenous-led uprising in Ecuador which occurred in January 2000. As a result of having mobilized tens of thousands of Ecuadorans, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador managed to peacefully force the resignation of a President who had presided over one of the worst recessions in Ecuador's modern history. Nevertheless, most US news dailies covered the affair as if it was purely a military coup and a threat to democracy, in spite of the existence of hundreds of citizen-led, participatory governing councils (called the “People's Parliament,” by Ecuadorans). Previous scholarship on media performance in relation to US foreign policy has proven in a variety of cases to serve as a useful analytical tool and predictive device. This article evaluates the extent that the propaganda model by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, as well as the indexing model by W. Lance Bennett, are instructive in the case of the news media performance of US which covered the uprising in Ecuador. 相似文献
4.
This study examines US and South Korean journalists' use of sources and their perceptions of source credibility in covering the six-party talks on North Korea's nuclear ambitions. In particular, this study analyzes the relationship between journalists' perceptions of source credibility and the media's source use in terms of the aggregate and individual levels. Results of content analysis of US and South Korean newspapers are compared with data from a survey of US and South Korean journalists who covered the six-party nuclear talks. Government officials are dominant sources in media coverage of the talks because of their high level of accessibility and credibility. US and South Korean journalists assigned the greatest credibility to government officials of their own country. The two groups showed significant differences in their perceptions of credibility of South Korean officials, North Korean officials, Japanese officials, and Japanese experts. Moreover, this study finds that individual journalists' perceptions of source credibility were as strongly correlated with their individual use of sources as with the news media's aggregate use of sources. Implications of the findings are discussed in the context of media sociology, in particular gatekeeping. 相似文献
5.
《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(2):237-248
Since the passage of Title IX in 1972, participation in women's sports has grown dramatically. But despite the growing level of participation by female athletes at all competition levels and documented fan interest in women's athletics, coverage of women's sports remains inferior to that given male sports across all media. Tuggle's (1997) study showed that two national highlights programs (CNN's Sports Tonight and ESPN's SportsCenter) devoted only 5% of their airtime to women's athletics. This study is a replication of Tuggle's original study to determine whether the existence of two women's professional sports leagues has resulted in increased coverage of female athletics. Results of the 2002 study show that the answer is no. Indeed there was less coverage of women on SportsCenter during the 2002 study than there was during the earlier examination. 相似文献
6.
The influence of journalists' gender on newspaper stories about women Cabinet members in South Korea
Kyung-Hee Kim 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(3):289-301
This study examined whether there were differences in news reporting of women's subjects in South Korea due to reporter gender. The findings reveal that, in covering the women Cabinet members in South Korea, female reporters used a more positive tone, emphasized conflict news value less, used fewer stereotypical references to women, and employed more gender-sensitive perspectives than did male reporters. Our analysis also reveal that there was not a significant difference between the female-friendly newspapers and the female-unfriendly newspapers in terms of the story's tone, gender-equity tendency, and use of conflict news value in their news stories about women Cabinet members. 相似文献
7.
Jong Hyuk Lee 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(3):302-318
This study examined whether news value indicators influenced sports coverage of the 2002 World Cup soccer games by using a newsworthiness model. The model hypothesized that the more significant and the more deviant an event is, the more prominently the event is covered by the media. Significance and deviance of each match in the World Cup games are operationally defined by using world rankings such as FIFA points, William Hill betting points, and CNN power rankings. Prominence of media coverage for each match was measured as the dependent variable in four different contexts: US traditional media, US online media, Korean traditional media, and Korean online media. The results of our study show that the newsworthiness model is partially effective in predicting media coverage of sports events. Traditional media coverage is better explained by the newsworthiness model than online media coverage. 相似文献
8.
回顾与韩国学者李钟国先生的交流过程。从以下三个方面：创设中韩出版学术年会、推动两国之间的出版学学术交流,撰文介绍韩国出版与出版学研究、帮助中国加深对韩国出版文化的了解,加大对中国出版学研究的介绍、扩大中国出版学研究在韩国的影响,介绍和评述了李钟国先生对中韩出版学交流所做的贡献。 相似文献
9.
Craig O. Stewart 《Communication Research Reports》2020,37(1-2):11-21
ABSTRACTThis study analyzed the tone of public campaign remarks of right- and left-wing populist (Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders, respectively) and right and left-wing non-populist (Mitt Romney and Hillary Clinton, respectively) U.S. presidential candidates using DICTION 7.0. Findings suggest that populists tended to use a linguistic tone that is high in pessimism, group abstractness, and exclusion. Pessimism and group abstractness were positively associated with immigration language in right-wing populist speech. Commonality and “we-ness” were positively associated with populist language in left-wing populist speech. 相似文献
10.
Yonghwan Kim 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(6):601-620
This study analyzes how a female candidate was presented in the news media and on her campaign website, in order to compare the politics of gender representation in news coverage and campaign communication. Content analysis of news coverage of a Korean female candidate and the candidate's website shows that the female candidate was differently portrayed in the two media in presentations of personal trait frames, the linkage between issues and personal traits, and other gender-related characteristics, although the quantity of issue frames did not differ significantly. The findings suggest that although the news coverage still tends to reinforce gender stereotypes regarding a female candidate, the candidate used or articulated gender identities in her campaign website to oppose framing stereotypes in the traditional news media. 相似文献
11.
12.
《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(3):257-272
This study assessed how capital city newspapers used male and female experts and nonexpert, uncommitted sources in covering open races for governorships in 2002. It examined 4 states with a female nominee and 5 states where both major candidates were male. Regardless of the candidates' gender, the overwhelming majority of nonpartisan sources cited were male. Female nonexpert sources appeared far less than their proportion in the population. The story proportion of women experts even intensified the gender imbalance of experts recommended by university news bureaus. Female reporters, however, had a greater tendency than their male colleagues to cite female nonpartisan sources. 相似文献
13.
Abstract Employee‐owned dailies appear to be an ideal concept for the newspaper industry. While fulfilling journalists’ dreams of ownership, the dailies might solve a multitude of problems. This paper examines the concept, which is important because 260 dailies remain independent, and some owners want their publications to remain locally owned. Still, as the United States moves into the 21st century, few owners seem likely to turn their dailies over to their employees, and this paper analyzes the reasons for the concept's apparent failure. During the 20th century, 14 dailies were acquired by their employees, and only four survived. Many of the others were sold, often in just a few years. 相似文献
14.
News coverage of elections is a popular topic in mass and political communication research. Studies of this tradition usually focus on news articles and neglect another important element of news content: news photographs. In this study, newspaper photographs of presidential candidates in the United States and Taiwan were compared. Generally, US candidates were more likely to be portrayed as a beloved leader, at leisure, from the side or back, looking determined, as a leader and follower, standing or walking, and with cheering crowds. Candidates in Taiwan were more likely to be depicted in a ‘glad-to-see-you’ pose, with a camera angle looking down, with no expression, as an equal to others in the same photograph, and with inattentive people. How political and cultural differences between these two countries may have contributed to such variations was also discussed in this study. 相似文献
15.
India's Right to Information Act (RTIA) has been described as one of the strongest laws in the world for access to public information. The preamble spells out its promise to expose government corruption. Given that the Indian news media is the largest in the world and has a storied history of unearthing public corruption, this exploratory study employed the normative theory of the monitorial role of the news media to examine the extent that the RTIA was used to uncover government corruption. This content analysis examined a census of 221 articles published in India's three largest English-language newspapers in the period after the RTIA was adopted in October 2005 and then five years later. Slightly more than 80% of the articles referencing corruption fell into four thematic categories: progress on implementing the law, public education about the legislation, the watchdog role of activists and other non-journalists, and a brief mention of the RTIA. During this period the English-language dailies reported their own use of the RTIA to expose corruption in 2% of the articles. 相似文献
16.
This paper presents an analysis of three presidential candidates, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and Ross Perot, who participated in the 1992 presidential debates. The relationships among the three candidates and between each candidate and the issues were examined using semantic network analysis. The results indicate a two-against-one strategy that was issue specific. The candidates teamed up in different pairs, depending on the topic at hand. The results also show the issues that the candidates emphasized most. Specifically, Clinton and Perot had more focused communication consistent with their respective campaign themes of domestic and financial concerns, while Bush did not emphasize any one particular theme. The implications of these differences are discussed, as are the theoretical and practical implications for debater tactics and the strategic use of language for emphasizing political platforms. 相似文献
17.
This study focuses on questions of knowledge and belief in terms of public assumptions about President Clinton. Data from a national survey reveal the widespread assumption that Clinton is more liberal than his record would indicate. The data suggest that while people may not structure their own beliefs along conventional ideological lines, many interpret contemporary politics in terms of broad ideological frameworks, even if those frameworks lead to misleading conclusions. Thus while Clinton's liberal side is well‐known (or correctly assumed), his conservative side is not: indeed, most respondents associate him with liberal indicators in nearly every area. This point is explored in the context of the relation between traditional indicators of political knowledge and ideological assumptions. The authors conclude by speculating how the notion of a uniformly “liberal” Clinton may have its origins in media coverage. 相似文献
18.
This paper presents an analysis of three presidential candidates, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and Ross Perot, who participated in the 1992 presidential debates. The relationships among the three candidates and between each candidate and the issues were examined using semantic network analysis. The results indicate a two-against-one strategy that was issue specific. The candidates teamed up in different pairs, depending on the topic at hand. The results also show the issues that the candidates emphasized most. Specifically, Clinton and Perot had more focused communication consistent with their respective campaign themes of domestic and financial concerns, while Bush did not emphasize any one particular theme. The implications of these differences are discussed, as are the theoretical and practical implications for debater tactics and the strategic use of language for emphasizing political platforms. 相似文献
19.
Geri Alumit Zeldes Ph.D. Frederick Fico Ph.D. Serena Carpenter Ph.D. Arvind Diddi Ph.D. 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):563-580
This study conceptualizes news bias as a causal factor producing systematic imbalance in the coverage of conflicting sides. Partisan bias is distinguished from structural bias by coverage that systematically favors one side with more prominence and attention. Content analysis was used to compare the television networks' balance in their treatment of Republican and Democratic candidates in stories and segments covering the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections. Presidential candidates received balanced aggregate treatment in both elections. But individual networks differed in their partisan balance. CBS News consistently favored the Democratic candidate in both elections, unlike the mixed results for ABC and NBC. CBS's pattern of imbalance, especially in the 2004 election, suggests a possible political bias in its coverage. 相似文献
20.
James T. Yauger 《Communication Studies》2013,64(4):230-236
W. Lee O'Daniel, a Fort Worth businessman, on July 23, 1938 was nominated governor of Texas in the state Democratic party's first primary of that year. Two weeks later he broke with Texas political tradition when he endorsed six of the twelve candidates involved in the party's second primary, slated for August 27, 1938. Observers believed that in endorsing the candidates the poltically inexperienced governor‐nominate accidentally had made a serious blunder. To date their assessment has gone unchallenged. This paper examines the endorsement incident in the light of subsequent historical events. Evidence is produced to justify the contention that the act categorized as an accidental blunder was in reality a cunningly contrived, strategically motivated, politically rewarding maneuver or ruse. 相似文献