共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Casey Ryan Kelly 《传播与批判/文化研究》2018,15(2):161-178
American cinema has recently favored representations of white men as victims of socioeconomic and political change. Recent scholarship on white masculinity suggests that representations of male victimhood enable white men to disavow that hegemonic white masculinity still fundamentally structures society. This essay argues that Hollywood’s wounded man similarly provides white masculinity with stable footing. I illustrate how the unintelligibility of screen masculinity evades criticism and, further, how melancholic male dramas nurture a traumatic attachment to victimhood. Examining the film Foxcatcher (2014), I show how unmasked portraits of white male victimhood function as counterparts to the hard-bodied action hero. The filmmaker’s effort to parse the distinction between material and superficial wounds reifies the experience of noble suffering as a superlative expression of aggrieved white manhood. Foxcatcher’s fragmented portrayal of white masculinity illustrates the elasticity of victimhood even where “crisis” suggests that white masculinity is open to revision. 相似文献
2.
Dan Schill 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(5):754-775
The Colbert Report, an innovative American satirical news show, and the show's dedicated viewers, known as “the Colbert Nation,” redefined fan engagement through audience participation, mediated culture jamming, and ironic political spectacle. Yet very little is known about this fan group. This survey of The Colbert Report's devoted followers finds that the fans are distrustful of political and media elites, highly cynical, very politically involved, not apathetic, and moderately efficacious. Further analysis reveals that viewers have different motivations, some seeing the show as primarily entertainment, some mainly as a trusted source of political information, and others as a mix of entertainment and information. The fans are also found to be highly sophisticated consumers of satire and news, and watch the show as an alternative to mainstream media and as a form of comic relief from current events. Several implications are discussed. 相似文献
3.
This study examined political television dramas with lead female characters, proposing a model that links viewing of these shows with political engagement. A survey revealed that regular viewers of Madam Secretary, The Good Wife, or Scandal reported feeling transported by these programs’ narratives and parasocial relationships with the main characters (i.e., women in positions of political leadership). These responses were also related to increases in political interest and self-efficacy, with interest predicting real-world political participation. The findings illustrate that these political dramas have prosocial implications, including the non-stereotypical representation of women as well as increased political engagement among viewers. 相似文献
4.
Helen Morgan Parmett 《传播与批判/文化研究》2016,13(1):3-22
This paper contends with how postbroadcast television branding subsumes viewers’ affective interactivities with place to produce brand value. Focusing on the HBO series Treme, I argue that Treme engendered HBO's postbroadcast brand mutation by producing “passionate engagement,” where viewers were invited to interact with the show by touring New Orleans, thus adding place to online interactivity and multiscreen engagement as a means of constructing an “authentic” brand identity. The desire for viewers to connect to New Orleans’ culture is thus transformed into a vehicle for profit making for HBO and an assurance to shareholders that the brand still holds value. 相似文献
5.
Present study critically investigates the cinematic depiction of leading Chinese masculine figures in Hollywood film productions, with a specific focus on how the positioning of white female characters romantically involved with Chinese martial arts fighters serves to construct Chinese masculinity. In noted films such as The Tuxedo (2002), Kiss of the Dragon (2001), and Dragon: Bruce Lee Story (1993), Chinese martial arts fighters not only managed to fight off white antagonists but also succeeded in winning the ‘heart’ of white heroines. Drawing on Gestner's theoretical assertion that white women's falling for a man of color signifies the invasive movement of a new masculine discourse into the space traditionally bounded by the ideal of white masculinity, and grounded on Hall's conception of articulation, my critical examination of these three film texts revealed how the privileged cultural and racial position of whiteness was reformulated and rejustified via the strategic dramatic construction of romantic encounters between Chinese martial artists and their white partners. More importantly, the current study sheds light on an emerging form of cultural politics that transformed conventional mediated construction of interracial romance and yet perpetuated the racial hierarchy sustained through racist assumption and ideology. 相似文献
6.
David C. Oh 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2018,35(4):350-362
Better Late than Never is a remake of a Korean reality T.V. travel show, which aired on N.B.C. in August 2016. The show’s premise features four elder celebrity men – Henry Winkler, William Shatner, Terry Bradshaw, and George Foreman – with their mid-30s companion Jeff Dye as they travel through the “exotic” lands of East Asia. Through the use of two popular narrative tropes, the bromance and the Western journey for self-discovery in Asia, the show argues that the interaction with the Asian other is beneficial primarily in masculine self-discovery and masculine homosocial bonding. Borrowing from Steeves’s use of the hybrid encounter, I argue that B.L.T.N. positions the strange Asian other as valuable only as a reference for becoming reacquainted with the U.S. American self and emotionally connected to his fraternal companions. Thus, B.L.T.N. rejects hybridity and reinforces U.S. American masculinity through the reification of ideologically preferred contact with the other that is shallow and that benefits the Western traveler. 相似文献
7.
Lauren Feldman 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(4):586-607
Although late-night comedy and satirical news programs like The Daily Show have been recognized as important sources of political information, prior research suggests that viewers gain only a limited amount of political knowledge from watching these programs. Drawing from uses and gratification theory and extant research on political information processing, this study examines whether learning from The Daily Show depends on whether viewers orient to the message as news or as entertainment. Results from an online experiment suggest that viewers who orient to a segment from The Daily Show as news or as a mix of news and entertainment invest more mental effort and subsequently learn more than viewers who have a purely entertainment orientation. Further, among viewers with a purely entertainment orientation, providing them with an explicit informational-processing goal increases the amount of mental effort and learning relative to viewers who are given no explicit viewing objective. 相似文献
8.
R. Colin Tait 《The Communication Review》2014,17(3):166-182
The key to Will Ferrell’s success is his genuinely likeable comic persona that relies on overdetermined and excessively masculine and feminine traits. Accordingly, this article argues that despite criticism surrounding Ferrell’s comedic films, they actually have a great deal to tell us about masculinity and comedy in the new millennium. By discussing Anchorman, Elf, and Talledega Nights: The Ballad of Ricky Bobby, the author asserts that Ferrell’s films map changes to masculine identity in the post-9/11 era by their representations of absurd masculinity embodied in Ferrell’s comic persona. 相似文献
9.
Brian Cozen 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2017,34(4):329-343
In the summer of 2013, the United Nations and NBC began a season-long collaborative campaign involving the primetime television series Revolution (2012–2014), a show about the global loss of electricity, to promote the former’s energy resource campaigns. The two entities collaboratively produced various texts and events encouraging audiences to learn more about United Nations energy initiatives and how people throughout the world lack consistent access to electricity. This essay offers a close, rhetorical reading of the collaboration’s paratexts, examining stated responses from actors, creators, interviewers, and panel participants within this content. In particular, I argue that contact between the paratexts and the “formative” text (that of the show’s narrative) can encourage viewers to think about electricity from the perspective of their own material practices, dependencies, and fears over losing the technological world. I examine how these invested viewers interpreted the United Nations’ efforts through such commitments. Naming a fictive world, and its feared loss, as metonymic of energy politics illustrates how meaning, emotion, and texts circulate, while also implicating the use of celebrity platforms for sociopolitical issues such as energy access. 相似文献
10.
11.
This paper, utilizing the method of case study, investigates the role of the Shanghai‐based World Economic Herald in China's political democratization in the 1980s, and analyses its relationship with the social changes of that period. A prominent theme running through this study is that political democratization must be coupled with economic growth in order for the role of the press to change in China. Results of the study suggest that the World Economic Herald, throughout its ten‐year existence, became more and more politically oriented and outspoken in its coverage of key political issues. The findings also reveal that in early 1989, the Herald waged an unprecedented struggle against the Party's tight control of the news media and for political democratization including press freedom. However, its role in promoting political change was restricted by the nature of China's reform movement, which was characterized by a separation of political reform from economic reform. The development and demise of the Herald provided a window through which it could be clearly seen how the press affected and was affected by the social changes in China in the historical period of the 1980s. 相似文献
12.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(4):456-471
This paper investigates how a mainstream American newspaper (The New York Times) and an Indian counterpart (The Times of India) construct political violence within the American occupation of Iraq, and how they reconcile notions of democracy and occupation. For both newspapers, Saddam Hussein's execution is the reference point to guide news selection. Findings indicate some differences in the two papers’ coverage, partly explained by the countries’ military involvement in the conflict and their history with Iraq. 相似文献
13.
Amy B. Becker 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(6):791-812
The current study assesses the effect of exposure to diverse comedy types, measuring the differential impact of other-directed hostile humor and self-ridicule on feelings toward John McCain. Specifically, the analyses use experimental data collected in 2009 to compare the differential impact of viewing a video clip of John McCain's playful self-satire on Saturday Night Live with the effects of exposure to the more aggressive, judgmental, other-directed hostile humor of Stephen Colbert. The results suggest that viewers cool toward McCain after exposure to Stephen Colbert's other-directed hostile humor. Additional analyses show that the effect of exposure to varied types of political humor is direct and relatively impervious to moderation by political partisanship. Implications of the findings and their ability to help researchers understand the differential influence of varied comedy message types on political evaluations and attitudes is discussed. 相似文献
14.
Television entertainment plays an important role in the development of political orientations concerning authority, order, freedom and equality. This article shows that viewers have “limited autonomy” in constructing meaning from television entertainment. Q‐method was employed to determine viewer's subjective reactions to an episode of Law and Order that fictionalized a racial incident that took place in Brooklyn, New York in 1991. The analysis revealed that there were at least seven distinct readings of the program. While there was consensus about some aspects of the story, viewers obviously had some autonomy regarding interpretation. We argue for a synthesis of theories that emphasize “closed” and “open” meanings of television programs. Entertainment is politically relevant and the most useful way to examine its impact is through intensive methods. 相似文献
15.
Shaheed Nick Mohammed 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(2):173-194
Previous experimental research that has found that college students exposed to a clip of the popular Comedy Central program entitled The Colbert Report were unable to distinguish its satirical intent from its stated content. To further investigate whether the show's viewers consume The Colbert Report as a satire of conservative television or construe it as a sincere expression of conservative sentiment, the present study examines the content of the program's online discussion forum. Forum posts reflect a diversity of responses to Stephen Colbert and The Colbert Report, many of them recognizing the ironic qualities of the show and its host. 相似文献
16.
John F. Harvey 《International Information and Library Review》2013,45(2):107-134
AbstractThis paper delineates the historical retrospective and current status of library and information science education in China. Emphases are on analysing the similarities and differences in origin, evolution, scale, structure, curriculum, faculty and students in library and information science education between China and the United States. Possible causes are also explored. The golden age of China’s library education in the 1980s and the disastrous Great Cultural Revolution, both clearly show that China’s political situation has a greater influence on its library education than does the US political situation on American library education. On the other hand, it seems that the impact of financial resources and job market for librarians on American library education is more influential than on China’s. It has become clear that China’s substantial progress in the 1980s has reduced the gap between the two countries. 相似文献
17.
Franziska S. Roth Carina Weinmann Frank M. Schneider Frederic R. Hopp Peter Vorderer 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(3):379-399
This study's purpose is twofold: to introduce a new format into existing political entertainment research (“serious” political talk shows) and to establish a more specific definition of entertainment in a political context. To do so, the authors rely on a two-process-model of entertainment experiences. A telephone survey (N = 230) was conducted to analyze the antecedents and consequences of eudaimonic and hedonic entertainment experiences and to look into politically relevant variables and their distribution among viewers and nonviewers of such talk shows. The results highlight the importance of introducing new entertainment concepts and their relations to other relevant political and motivational variables into the research of political entertainment. More specifically, the findings demonstrate how entertainment experiences contribute to viewers' feeling of being informed and point out several differences between viewers and nonviewers concerning their internal political efficacy and political interest. Finally, looking at political talk shows from an audience perspective extends previous content-based taxonomies. 相似文献
18.
19.
Brenda Cooper 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(1):44-63
–This analysis argues that Kimberly Peirce's film Boys Don't Cry can be read as a liberatory narrative that queers the centers of heteronormativity and hegemonic masculinity by privileging female masculinity and celebrating its differences from heterosexual norms. My critique emphasizes how the narrative strategically challenges heteronormativity and, in turn, “narrative's heteroideology” (Roof, 1996), in four ways: 1) by dismantling the myth of “America's heartland”; 2) by problematizing heteromasculinity; 3) by centering female masculinity; and 4) by blurring the boundaries of female masculinity. I argue that the articulation of each subversive strategy within the narratives of Boys Don't Cry can serve a liberatory function, whereby the privileged subjectivities of heterosexuality and hegemonic masculinity are dismantled and, simultaneously, female masculinity and gender fluidity are privileged and normalized. I conclude that the narrative structure of Boys Don't Cry not only privileges gender diversity, but also exposes the inherent sexual bigotry of heteroideology and the brutal and deadly consequences of society's failure to eradicate such prejudice. I just keep on laughing Hiding the tears in my eyes Because boys don't cry. Boys don't cry. (Smith, Tolhurst, & Dempsey, 1988) 相似文献
20.
ABSTRACT Using a methodology inspired by structural narratology and by James Hamilton’s [2016. Democracy’s Detectives: The Economics of Investigative Journalism. Cambridge: Harvard] economic analysis of investigative journalism, this paper identifies a set of 14 recurring structural and formal elements (plot events, character types and functions, visual iconography) that constitute a fable about investigative journalism. The fable structure is applied to analyze six diverse films about investigative journalism produced in the US in the last 40 years. The films include two instantiations of successful investigative journalism (All the President’s Men, Spotlight), two cases where conflict between journalists and corporate managers diminished the impact of the investigation (Good Night and Good Luck, The Insider), and two instances of a counter-fable of failed investigative journalism (Truth, Kill the Messenger). The paper argues that the films’ representation of investigative journalism influences public perceptions of investigative journalism. It also speculates about the factors that will influence investigative journalism and its representations in the current political context in the US. 相似文献