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121.
Johannes Den Heijer 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2013,25(2):155-183
AbstractThis article presents a vocalised edition (on the basis of MS T.-S. Misc. 36.174, Cambridge University Library) and a revised translation of a Hebrew ode written on the occasion of the Fā?imid victory over the invading Saljūq army in Cairo in 469/1077. Elaborating on earlier research on the Cairo Genizah treasures starting with Julius H. Greenstone's 1906 paper, the article first of all aims to present whatever historical data can be obtained about the poet, Solomon ben Joseph ha-Kohen, and about the time period and the circumstances in which he must have written his poem, which is addressed to the Fā?imid caliph al-Mustan?ir Billāh and his vizier Badr al-Jamālī. Other major objectives of the article are the identification of other historical persons and events alluded to in the praise poem, a literary analysis of the ode within the conceptual framework of “martial poetry”, and an examination of its laudatory or propagandistic aspects. 相似文献
122.
Kenneth S. Parker 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2013,25(2):222-239
AbstractIn the late Fā?imid and Ayyūbid periods of Egyptian history, Coptic Christians finally addressed the reality that most of their community no longer understood the Coptic language but were, in fact, losing their communal identity and “figures of memory” to Arabisation and even Islamisation. A Coptic-Arabic “Renaissance” ensued whereby Coptic liturgy, theology and history were translated into Arabic, the lingua franca by this time of the Coptic populace. This creative energy extended into the artistic realm – such as iconography and painting – and ultimately strengthened the identity of the Coptic community as their situation became increasingly more restricted. 相似文献
123.
Ulisse Cecini 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2013,25(3):331-344
AbstractThis article sets out to be a concise account of Mark of Toledo's Qur?ān translation. It will be structured as follows: first, it will provide information about when and in what circumstances it was realised. Second, it will present some examples, which will show Mark's way of translating and transferring form and content of the Qur?ān for his Latin-speaking Christian audience. Mark mostly translates words consistently throughout the text, and also tries to translate words derived from the same Arabic root with root-related Latin words. Moreover, he does not usually try to convey the semantic nuances a word may have, seemingly not paying attention to the context, but translating with a standard, basic meaning of the word. (This observation should be taken as a tendency and not as a rule, as the excursus at the end will illustrate.) Nevertheless, Mark does not violate the grammar of the Latin language. Despite his fidelity to the text, Mark's Christian cultural background sometimes influences the translation. In the conclusion, the features of Mark's translation will be set out in relation to the cultural and political activity of its commissioner, the Archbishop of Toledo Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada. 相似文献
124.
Alexander D. Beihammer 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(2):157-177
This essay explores one of the main tools of Byzantine diplomatic techniques: inviting foreign rulers to Constantinople and establishing bonds of alliance through the bestowal of titles and stipends, with respect to the empire's Muslim neighbours in the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries. In particular, it will be explained how and under what circumstances the traditional lines of communication between Constantinople and the caliphal court of Baghdad were gradually transformed into a multilayered network of personal contacts between the emperor and a number of Muslim frontier lords, who partly took on the role of representatives and dignitaries of the Byzantine Empire. Furthermore, I will try to examine the development of these newly established networks with respect to the emirates of Aleppo and Edessa, the Jarrā?id clan in Syria and the Marwānid dynasty in the Upper Euphrates and Lake Van region. 相似文献
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126.
Harry Munt 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2016,28(1):6-21
ABSTRACTThis article contributes to the debate over the effectiveness with which late Umayyad and early ?Abbāsid caliphs negotiated their respective rights and duties with provincial elites during the second/eighth century. The focus is on the relationships that evolved between the caliphs and those elite families residing in the ?ijāz whose ancestors had helped to establish the Muslim community and the early caliphal empire in the mid-first/seventh century. The article's analysis centres on a series of four revolts in the ?ijāz over the second/eighth century and examines developments in the enthusiasm with which local elites either supported or opposed those revolts. This discussion demonstrates that, aside from a brief period during the first decades of ?Abbāsid rule, Umayyad and ?Abbāsid caliphs during the second/eighth century were actually quite successful at inspiring loyalty among the local elites of the ?ijāz. 相似文献
127.
Carl Davila 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2009,21(2):121-136
The generally accepted biography of the famous Cordovan musician and composer, Alī b. Nāfi? Ziryāb (d. 242/857), contains evident problems of chronology and content and is based almost entirely upon one source, al-Maqqarī's Naf[hdot] al- ?īb min ghu?n al-Andalus al-ratīb, written in the eleventh/seventeenth century. Modern scholarship generally has overlooked the fifth/eleventh-century source for this late version of his biography and has not taken other, earlier, sources into account. The result is a misbegotten biography that distorts both its subject and the Mediterranean world in which Ziryāb lived. This article refines the biography of Ziryāb by using the earliest available Arabic sources, including works by Ibn ?Abd Rabbih (d. 328/940), Ibn al-Qūtiyya (d. 365/977), Ibn [Hdot]ayyān (d. 469/1076), A[hdot]mad al-Tīfāshī (d. 651/1253) and Ibn Khaldūn (d. 803/1402). By comparing these accounts and attempting to reconcile their inconsistencies, the paper proposes a more logical chronology for Ziryāb's career that not only resolves obvious problems with the standard biography, but also portrays this important artist in relation to the network of political and economic institutions that united the eastern and western ends of the Islamic Mediterranean world in the early third/ninth century. 相似文献
128.
This essay is part of a wider research project aiming to define the components of the élite in power during the first ?Abbāsid period. Our present purpose is to verify if, and to what extent, the sliding among different public roles must be related with the “arbitraire” of the caliph or rather if it would be reasonable to discern in it some automatisms, some unregulated, although already applied paths. For this purpose, we carried out a survey of the figures who had offices in the administration of the ?Abbāsid state during the second half of the 2nd/8th century, i.e. the Barmakids and those who evolved with them on the political scene. In the initial stage, we confined our survey to the figures appearing in the Kitāb al-wuzarā’ wa'l-kuttāb by al-Jahshiyārī (d. 331/942), that is, with al-?ūlī's one, the most ancient collection of akhbār devoted to the vizirs. We actually think that this work has a historical as well as a symbolic significance. In our opinion the fact of having been produced inside the official milieu of the 4th/10th century increases its value as a source for the social history of the first ?Abbāsid period. Facing the problem of the sliding among different public roles, we tried to fix some criteria for the statistical analysis of this phenomenon, as well as to deduce how this could be used for the study of the social components of the ?Abbāsid élite. 相似文献